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YALE  ORIENTAL  SERIES 

BABYLONIAN  TEXTS 
Volume  I 


PUBLISHED  FROM  THE  FUND 
GIVEN  TO  THE  UNIVERSITY 
IN  MEMORY  OF 
MARY  STEVENS  HAMMOND 


YALE  ORIENTAL  SERIES.  BABYLONIAN  TEXTS  Vol.  I 


Miscellaneous  Inscriptions 

IN  THE 

Yale  Babylonian  Collection 


BY 

ALBERT  T.  CLAY 


NEW  HAVEN:  YALE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 
LONDON:  HUMPHREY  MILFORD 
OXFORD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 
MDCCCCXV 


Copyright,  1915,  by 
Yale  University  Press 


Printed.  November,  1915,  500  Copies 


PREFACE. 


During  tlie  last  few  years  there  has  been  assembled  at  Yale  University  a 
Babylonian  Collection,  numbering  at  the  present  time  about  eight  thousand 
Sumerian  and  Akkadian  inscriptions  and  other  antiquities,  belonging  to  all 
periods  in  Babylonian  history.  It  includes  epics,  hymns,  liturgies,  historical, 
mathematical,  and  divination  texts,  exercises  from  temple  schools,  legal  and 
business  transactions,  official  and  personal  letters,  administrative  documents 
from  the  archives  of  temples,  etc. 

It  is  the  purpose  of  the  University  to  present  this  material  to  the  Assyrio- 
logical  world  in  a series  of  texts,  and  as  far  as  practicable  and  possible  the 
interpretation  of  the  same.  The  present  volume  is  the  first  of  the  series,  in 
which  is  presented  some  of  the  texts  of  a miscellaneous  character,  covering  a 
period  between  four  and  five  thousand  years.  There  are  historical  texts,  votive 
and  building  inscriptions,  a dynastic  list,  date  lists,  a tablet  containing  the  most 
ancient  laws  known,  a fragment  of  the  Hammurabi  Code,  and  also  of  a 
boundary  stone,  a mortuary  inscription,  a syllabary,  etc. 

The  transliteration  of  the  Sumerian  texts  is  given  in  spaced  Roman  type ; 
the  Akkadian  or  Semitic  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  in  italics.  In  order  to  dis- 
tinguish at  a glance  whether  the  inscriptions  are  written  on  clay  or  inscribed 
upon  stone,  the  wedges  of  the  cuneiform  characters  of  the  clay  tablets  are 
reproduced  in  outline,  i.  e.,  with  open  heads ; while  those  of  stone  are  closed. 
The  only  exception  to  this  is  the  brick  of  Entemena,  No.  5. 

A few  years  ago  in  opposition  to  the  prevailing  theory  that  the  religion  and 
culture  of  the  Hebrews  and  other  Western  Semites  had  their  origin  in  Baby- 
lonia, the  writer  advanced  the  hypothesis  in  Amurru,  the  Home  of  the  Northern 
Semites,  as  regards  the  Semitic  elements  that  entered  into  the  composition  of 
the  culture  known  to  us  as  the  Babylonian  or  Akkadian,  that  they  were  largely 
an  importation  from  the  region  lying  west  of  that  country;  that  the  ultimate 
origin  of  the  Semites  may  have  been  in  Arabia,  Kurdistan  or  Abyssinia,  as  has 
been  asserted,  but  that  the  indications  are  they  had  a long  development  in 
Amurru  and  Aram  before  they  migrated  into  Babylonia. 


VI 


PREFACE 


It  was  naturally  to  be  expected  that  such  a far-reaching  hypothesis,  even 
though  based  upon  a multitude  of  facts,  would  meet  with  opposition  on  the  part 
of  some  scholars.  This  proved  correct.  Some  have  accepted  the  theory,  while 
those  who  have  not  done  so,  have  advanced  little  more  than  categorical  assertions 
that  it  is  baseless. 

Although  not  a single  site  in  Syria  or  Mesopotamia  has  been  excavated 
which  could  yield  the  data  necessary  to  determine  the  validity  of  the  theory 
from  an  archaeological  point  of  view,  many  additional  facts  have  come  to  light 
through  Babylonian  researches  which  prompt  the  writer  to  reaffirm  even  more 
emphatically  his  belief  in  the  theory.  Such  new  data  as  are  based  upon  the 
present  texts,  are  referred  to  in  the  introduction. 

The  writer  wishes  here  to  acknowledge  his  indebtedness  to  several  scholars 
for  collating  passages  on  tablets  in  the  British  Museum,  and  in  the  Museum  of 
the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  for  help  rendered  in  connection  with  the  inter- 
pretation of  certain  difficult  passages,  and  other  assistance,  namely:  Professor 
L.  W.  King,  of  London;  Professor  Arthur  Ungnad,  of  Jena;  Professor  George 
A.  Barton,  of  Bryn  Mawr;  Professor  J.  D.  Prince,  of  Columbia;  Professor 
Morris  Jastrow,  Jr.,  and  Doctor  Edward  Chiera,  of  the  University  of  Penn- 
sylvania; Professor  W.  J.  Hinke,  of  Auburn  Seminary,  and  Professor  Henry 
Wade  Rogers,  Dean  of  the  Yale  Law  School.  To  all  these  scholars  the  writer 
is  profoundly  thankful.  He  also  wishes  to  express  here  his  debt  of  gratitude  to 
Mr.  Ogden  H.  Hammond,  ’93  S.,  for  his  generosity  in  creating  the  Fund  which 
makes  the  publication  of  this  volume  possible,  and  to  Mr.  George  Parmly  Day, 
Treasurer  of  the  University  and  President  of  the  Yale  University  Press,  who 
has  so  effectively  cooperated  in  efforts  made  to  establish  the  Collection. 


New  IIaven,  Conn. 


Albebt  T.  Clay 


CONTENTS. 


Abbreviations  

Introduction. 

XI 

Text  No.  Subject 

Dimensions* 

Catalog  YBC 

Page 

1 

Archaic  Votive  Inscriptions 

.27.6x12.8 

2138 

1 

2 

LL  LL  Li 

. 11.8x9.7 

2161 

1 

3 

Mace-head  of  the  early  period 

. 5x3.8 

2144 

1 

4 

Inscribed  Stone  of  Entemena 

. 18x8x5.7 

2183 

5 

5 

Inscribed  Brick  of  Entemena 

.30.8x22.7x7 

2184 

5 

6 

Votive  Inscription  of  Bara-sir 

. 6x6xl.2 

2157 

7 

7 

“ “ for  Ashnertum 

. 8x7.7x0.9 

2191 

7 

8 

Inscription  for  the  Life  of  Ur-Ningirsu 

. 13x8x3.4 

2162 

7 

9 

Votive  Bowl  of  Galu-shagga 

.14.9x9.4 

2153 

8 

10 

Inscription  of  Naram-Sin 

.36x14 

2164 

8 

11 

Heptagonal  Cylinder 

.23x8.5 

2126 

11 

12 

L L LL 

. 23x9.5 

2125 

11 

13 

A new  King  of  Guti 

. 4.7x4. 1 

2149 

11 

14 

Inscription  of  Galu-Utu 

.15.2x5 

2148 

12 

15 

Mace-head  of  Gudea 

. 7.6x4 

2202 

13 

16 

Votive  Inscription  of  Ur-Engur 

. 12x8.6x2.5 

2156 

13 

17 

Votive  Object  for  the  Life  of  Dungi 

. 12x9x2 

2158 

15 

18 

11  11  for  Nasisu 

. 6.8x6.2 

2200 

19 

Votive  Fragment  of  Ur-Am-ma,  son  of  Zaggi. 

. 9.7x5.8 

2201 

20 

Gate-socket  of  Gimil-Sin.  .■ 

.61x26x19.5 

2130 

16 

21 

Plan  of  Property 

. 8x5. 7x2. 3 

3892 

22 

L L L L L L 

. 5. 8x5x2 

3900 

23 

LL  L L L L 

. 5.8x2 

3901 

24 

L L L L L L 

. 10.9x3 

3879 

25 

L L LL  LL 

. 8. 6x7. 3x2.6 

3895 

26 

Year-date  List  of  Amar-Sin 

. 5.5x3. 8x2.9 

2141 

17 

27 

Inscription  of  Libit-Ishtar 

.10.9x10.3 

2179 

17 

28 

Sumerian  Prototype  of  the  Hammurabi  Code. 

* The  dimensions  are  given  in  centimeters. 

. 18.4x14x3.8 

2177 

18 

CONTENTS 


viii 


Text  No.  Subject 

Dimensions 

Catalog  YBC 

Page 

29 

Inscribed  Votive  Object 

. . . 17.7x15.2x6.3 

2128 

27 

30 

Inscription  of  Sin-iribam 

. . .14.3x12x5.5 

2163 

28 

31 

Votive  Cone  of  Warad-Sin 

. . . 19.7x15.2 

2174 

28 

32 

The  Larsa  Dynastic  List 

. . . 9.5x5.5x2.6 

2142 

30 

90 

OD 

Date-list  of  Babylon’s  Rule  over  Larsa 

...  6x4.2x2 

2140 

44 

34 

Fragment  of  the  Hammurabi  Code 

. . . 8x5.5 

45 

35 

Small  Inscription  of  An- Am 

. . . 6.7x5xl.3 

2152 

46 

36 

Large  “ “ “ 

. . .28x21.2x6 

2145 

46 

37 

Kudurrn  Fragment  of  the  Isin  Dynasty.  . . . 

. . . 15.3x12.2x5.8 

2154 

48 

38 

Inscription  of  Sargon 

. . . 13.2x6.5 

2181 

50 

39 

Interpretation  of  Dream  favoring  Nabonidus 

and  Belshazzar 

...  4.7x3. 5x1. 9 

2192 

55 

40 

Building  Inscription  of  Esarhaddon 

. . .11.3x6 

2146 

56 

41 

i L i i i i i i 

. . .11.2x4.6 

2147 

56 

42 

“ “ “ Ashurbanipal 

. . .20.4x9.4 

2180 

43 

Mortuary  Inscription  of  Shamash-ibni 

. . . 10.6x5.4 

2151 

60 

44 

Building  Inscription  of  Nebuchadnezzar  II. 

. . . 18.5x7.7 

2122 

62 

45 

Dedication  of  Nabonidus ’s  Daughter 

. . . 17.8x7.6 

2182 

66 

46 

The  Babylonian  Sabbath 

. . . 9x5.7x2.2 

3974 

75 

47 

i i a a 

. . . 9.8x5. 7x2. 5 

3963 

75 

48 

a i i i i 

. . . 8x5x2.3 

3961 

75 

49 

if  if  Li 

. . . 8x5x2 

3971 

75 

50 

if  i i i c 

. . . 8x5. 2x2. 

3972 

75 

51 

a i i i i 

. . . 8x5x1. 9 

3967 

75 

52 

Building  Inscription,  Seleucid  Era 

. . . 12.7x7 

2169 

81 

53 

The  Yale  Syllabary 

. . .21.3x16.1x3.8 

2176 

84 

Index  of  the  Words  in  the  Syllabary,  and  of 

the  Names 

.100 

Autographed  Texts 

Plates  I to 

XLIN 

Pin 

hogravures ' 

Plates  L 

to 

LV 

ABBREVIATIONS. 


AJSL  The  American  Journal  of  Semitic  Languages. 

Amurru  Clay,  Amurru  the  Home  of  the  Northern  Semites. 

APN  Tallqvist,  Assyrian  Personal  Names. 

B Briinnow,  A Classified  List  of  Cuneiform  Ideographs. 

BA  Beitrdge  zur  Assyriologie. 

Bar  Barton,  The  Origin  and  Development  of  Babylonian  Writing;  BA,  Yol.  IX. 

BE  Babylonian  Expedition  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania. 

BRM  Babylonian  Records  in  the  Library  of  J.  Pierpont  Morgan. 

Citron  King,  Chronicles  concerning  Early  Babylonian  Kings. 

CT  Cuneiform  Texts  of  the  British  Museum. 

Glossar  Delitzsch,  Sumerisches  Glossar. 

KB  Keilinschriftliche  Bibliothek. 

LC  Thureau-Dangin,  Lettres  et  Contrats  de  Vepoque  de  la  premiere  dynastie  baby- 
lonienne. 

LITI  King,  Letters  and  Inscriptions  of  Hammurabi. 

MLC  Morgan  Library  Collection. 

OBI  Hilprecht,  Old  Babylonian  Inscriptions. 

OLZ  Orient alistische  Literaturzeitung . 

PN  Clay,  Personal  Names  from  Cuneiform  Inscriptions  of  the  Cassite  Period ; Vol.  I, 
Yale  Oriental  Series,  Researches. 

PSBA  Proceedings  of  the  Society  of  Biblical  Archaeology. 

R Rawlinson,  The  Cuneiform  Inscriptions  of  Western  Asia. 

RA  Revue  d’ assyriologie  et  d’archeologie  Orientate. 

RT  Recueil  de  Travaux  relatifs  a la  philologie  et  a Varcheologie. 

SAI  Meissner,  Seltene  assyrische  Ideogramme. 

VAB  Vorderasiatische  Bibliothek. 

Y$  Vorderasiatische  Schriftdenkmaler. 

YBC  Yale  Babylonian  Collection. 

YOS  Yale  Oriental  Series. 

UMBS  University  of  Pennsylvania,  The  Museum,  Publications  of  the  Babylonian  Section. 
ZA  Zeitschrift  fur  Assyriologie. 


I 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 

IN  THE 

YALE  BABYLONIAN  COLLECTION 


J • 


INTRODUCTION. 


Nos.  1 and  2.  Abchaic  Votive  Inscbiptions. 


The  provenance  of  the  grey  limestone  bowl,  on  which  is  inscribed  the 
archaic  Text  No.  1,  as  well  as  the  fragment  of  the  same  material,  which  con- 
tains Text  No.  2,  is  not  known.  The  identity  of  the  third  sign  in  the  second 
line  of  No.  1,  is  not  recognized,  unless  it  is  a variant  of  tin,  as  suggested  by 
Professor  Barton.  A provisional  reading  of  the  text  is  : U r-n i r-k in  dN i n-x- 
gur  mu-a-ru  dNin-gir.  “Ur-nir-kin  has  presented  to  the  goddess  Nin-x- 
gur.  ” It  is  not  clear  what  is  to  be  done  with  the  name  of  the  deity  dN  i n-g  i r 
or  dN  i n-n  a r in  the  last  line. 

No.  2 reads  : dD  u m u-z  i-k a 1 a m-m a li e-s u 1 Luga l-dA b i-n i g u-s  a g 
mu-ru.  “Dumuzi-kalama  verily  is  lord;  Lugal-dAb,  his  canal  gu-shag  has 
constructed.  ’ ’ 


No.  3.  Mace-head  of  the  Eably  Peeiod. 


This  archaic  inscription  found  on  a limestone  mace-head,  written  in 
Sumerian,  reads  as  follows : 


dG  i s-b  i 1-g  a-M  e s 
M e r-a  b-a-d  u 
a-m  u-n  a-r  u 


To  Gilgamesh, 

Mer-abadu 

has  presented  it. 


It  is  not  improbable  that  Mer-abadu  was  a ruler. 

This  inscription  paleographically  considered  belongs  to  an  early  period,  yet 
in  it,  the  Erechian  ruler  and  hero,  Gilgamesh,  lias  already  become  a demigod. 
It  is  interesting  to  note  that  not  only  the  West  Semitic  deity  Mesh  occurs  as  a 
name  element  in  this  inscription,  but  also  Mar;  confirming  the  writer’s  view 
that  a very  great  antiquity  must  be  assumed  for  the  center  in  the  West  whence 
the  Semites  brought  these  deities.  In  Amurru  the  Home  of  the  Northern 
Semites,  the  writer  has  contended  that  Mash  (Moo-ox)  of  Genesis  10:23,  one 
of  the  sons  of  Aram  (cf.  also  Meshek  1 Chr.  1:17,  etc.),  the  district  Mash 
referred  to  in  Asliurbanipal’s  campaign,  the  mountain  Mashu  of  the  Gilgamesh 
epic,  and  Ki-Mashw  of  the  early  inscriptions,  refer  to  the  district  and  the  city 


9 


I\ [ [ SCE I .LANE OUS  I N SCRIPTIONS 


of  Damascus;  also  that  the  old  name  of  the  city  Ki-Mashw  or  Mash-ki  (“the 
place  of  Mash”),  is  preserved  in  Mesheq,  of  Genesis  15 : 2 ;T  and  further,  that  the 
god  of  this  district,  Mash  or  Mesh,  was  carried  into  Babylonia  in  a very  early 
period.  Let  it  suffice  to  mention  in  this  place  that  names  of  the  earliest  rulers, 
which  Babylonian  history  has  thus  far  preserved,  as  shown  by  the  recently  pub- 
lished list  of  kings,  in  UMBS  IV,  I,  2,  offer  most  interesting  evidence  in  this 
connection.  In  the  first  three  dynasties,  namely,  Kesli,  Erecli  and  Ur,  names 
compounded  with  the  deity  Mash  or  Mesh  predominate;  namely,  Mas-sal- 
iiun-na,  Mes-za-mug,  M e s-k  i-i  n-ga-s  e-ir,  G i s-b  i 1-g  a-M  e s,  Mes-an-ni- 
pa-da,  and  Mes-ki-ag-nun-na.2 

1 The  different  ways  that  the  name  Damascus  is  written  can  be  divided  into  two 
groups.  The  first:  Ti-mas-qu  and  Sa-ra-mas-qi  (for  Ti-ra-mas-qi,  Thothmes  III.)  in  the 
Egyptian  inscriptions  Ti-ma-as-gi  and  Di-mas-qa  in  the  Amarna  letters ; Di-ma-as-qi, 
Di-mas-qa,  Dim-mas-qa,  etc.,  in  the  Assyrian  inscriptions,  and  pti'Dl  pt^Qn  and  pti-'EH 
in  the  Old  Testament. 

Sa-ra-mas-qi  and  pt^OTT  would  seem  to  show  that  the  name  contains  two  elements, 
namely,  dar  and  Masqi.  Haupt  translated  the  name  “settlement  in  a well  water-region” 
( ZDMG  63,  p.  528,  and  AJ8L  26,  p.  26).  The  writer  translated  it  “fortress  of  Masqi” 
( Amurru , p.  130).  The  writer  also  identifies  the  second  element  Masqi  with  Meseq  of 
Genesis  XV : 2,  which,  as  is  well  known,  has  been  construed  in  many  different  ways. 
Not  a few  commentarians  translate  ben-meseq  “son-  of  possession;”  others,  “son  of 
acquisition ; ” at  the  same  time  observing  that  the  root  is  extremely  dubious.  Again, 
others  strike  out  ptt’D"!  Sin  “i.  e.  Damascus,”  of  the  passage,  as  a “stupid  gloss;” 
while  still  others  either  radically  amend  the  text,  or  regard  the  passage  as  senseless.  To 
the  writer  it  seems  highly  reasonable  that  the  passage  is  to  be  read:  “a  son  of  Meseq — 
that  is,  Damascus — is  my  family,  Eliezer.”  The  words  “that  is  Damascus”  are  a gloss, 
but  not  a stupid  one.  If  this  rendering  is  correct,  Meseq  is  the  early  name  of  the  city. 
And  since  it  is  natural  to  expect  to  find  the  name  of  this  very  ancient  city  mentioned  in 
the  early  inscriptions  prior  to  2000  B.  C.,  the  writer  has  proposed  the  identification  of 
Ki-Maski  with  it,  which  is  so  frequently  mentioned  in  the  early  text  ( Amurru , p.  129  f.). 

The  second  group,  or  the  later  cuneiform  writings  of  the  name  of  the  city,  are 
SA  ( GAR ) -i-me-ri-SU,  GAR-ANSU-SU , GAR-ANSU-NITAH-SU,  GAR-ANSU-NITA- 
MES-SU.  These  have  for  many  years  been  explained  as  “Eselstadt”  (Delitzsch  ALS 
17,  134),  or  “the  city  of  Asses”  (cf.  Haupt  ZA  II,  p.  321  f.).  The  writer  has  offered 
another  conjecture  as  to  the  meaning,  namely,  “the  city  of  the  setting  sun,”  Amurru, 
p.  130;  but  he  does  not  regard  the  reading  and  translation  final. 

2 Some  scholars  do  not  recognize  the  name  of  a deity  Mesh  in  these  names.  Ungnad 
explains  the  name  Gilgamesh  “Der  Gott  Gil  ( Gisbil  or  Gis)  moge  . . .”  Gilgamesh 
Epos  p.  76  f.  Poebel  UMBS  IV  1,  pp.  115,  126,  127,  etc.,  translates  Mes  = “hero,”  in 
these  names:  Mes-an-ni-p  a-da  “hero  called  by  Enlil;”  Mes-ki-ag-nun-na  “the 
hero,  the  beloved  of  the  highest,”  etc.  In  the  name  Gilgames  he  says  “the  second  element 
mes  = ‘hero’  was  evidently  taken  as  an  allusion  to  the  hero  character  of  Gilgamesh” 
(ibid.  p.  127).  The  present  writer,  because  of  the  above,  sees  no  reason  for  departing 


MACE-HEAD  OF  THE  EARLY  PERIOD 


3 


The  second  of  the  three  early  dynasties  in  the  list  above  mentioned,  is  that 
of  the  city  of  Erech.  This,  as  is  well  known,  was  the  home  of  the  ancient  hero 
Gilgamesh.  Here  the  scenes  of  his  epic  were  laid ; and  it  was  here  that  Mesh 
was  worshipped,  especially  in  the  early  period;  cf.  galu  dMes  sangn 
Unu(g)M-ga  “man  of  the  god  Mesh,  a priest  of  Erech”  ( OBI  II,  87,  1:30). 
Note  also  the  inscription  from  a seal:  N in-Unugki  en  dMes  e Unugki  “Nin- 
Uruk,  priest  of  the  god  Mesh,  in  the  temple  of  Erech;”3  the  names  Ur-Mes 
du mu  L u-U n u gki ;4  and  the  name  of  the  deity  dM  e s-s  a g-U  n u gki  “Mesh  is 
the  head  of  Erech.”5  These  facts  make  it  appear  perfectly  reasonable  to  main- 
tain that  these  early  Erechian  names  are  compounded  with  Mash  or  Mesh,  the 
god  of  Erech;  which  deity,  as  stated  above,  is  an  importation  from  the  West. 

The  writer  has  maintained  also  that  Mer  or  Mar  is  another  early  importa- 
tion from  the  West  {ibid.  95  ff.).  The  name  is  compounded  in  that  of  Mer- 
ab-a-du,  of  the  present  early  inscription.  An  individual  bearing  this  same 
name  is  known  from  a document  of  the  Ur  dynasty,6  but  the  present  text  is 
from  an  earlier  period.  In  the  list  containing  the  Erechian  dynasty,  above 
referred  to,  a name  occurs  written  En-Me-ir-kar.  In  discussing  the  name 
dNIN-IB  (see  under  Text  No.  53),  the  writer  suggests  that  perhaps  in  E n-M  e-ir 
is  to  be  seen  the  earliest  form  of  the  name  of  the  consort  of  this  deity,  which 
originally  was  feminine.  The  deity  Mer  appears  later,  in  the  name  Anum-pi- 
Me-ir,  read  Il-ka-Me-ir , of  the  Obelisk  of  Manishtu.  It  is  a common  element  in 
names  of  the  Ur  dynasty,  as  in  Mer-ka-gi-na,  Mer-ni-mu,  etc.  In  the  con- 
tract published  by  Pinches  ( TSBA  VIII,  p.  352),  it  occurs  in  Tukulti-Me-ir, 
and  in  the  name  of  the  deity  I-tur-Me-ir  (cf.  LC  p.  63).  In  the  documents  of 
the  First  dynasty,  it  occurs  in  We-ir-a-bu-su,  Warad-dW e-ir , Ili-i-ma-dW e-ir , 

from  his  view  that  Mes  in  this  name  is  the  name  of  a deity.  The  names  under  considera- 
tion are  not  titles  or  epithets  assumed  after  they,  the  individuals,  had  become  heroes ; but 
they  are  personal  names  of  kings. 

In  addition  to  the  argument  advanced  in  Amurru,  p.  79,  for  the  origin  and  meaning  of 
the  name  Gilgamesh,  and  the  comparison  of  the  first  element  gisB  i 1 g a with  Belaqu,  Bilaqqu 
the  biblical  Balaq,  etc.,  attention  should  be  called  to  the  Pisidian  name  ILAAciKoas,  and  the 
names  from  Asia  Minor  compounded  with  IleAy,  and  ITaAy  ; cf.  Sundwall  Die  einheimischen 
Namen  der  Lykier  nebst  einem  Verzeichnisse  Kleinasiatischer  Namenstdmme  (1913), 
p.  182 ; and  Tallqvist  Assyrian  Personal  Names,  p.  302.  Cf.  also  the  name  A-ba-al-ga- 
Mas,  sar  Ba-ra-ah-sumki,  BA  VIII,  p.  135. 

3 Hommel  Geschichte  Bab.  und  Ass.,  p.  300. 

4 ILL  VIII,  p.  31. 

5 CT  25,  14:23;  Reissner  Hymnen  139:137,  etc. 

6 Reissner  Tempelurkunden,  14,  II ; 18. 


4 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


etc.  In  later  periods  the  name  appears  quite  frequently  (see  Amurru,  p.  100f.). 
In  the  explanatory  lists  of  gods  we  are  furnished  with  important  readings  and 
equivalents  of  this  deity;  see  the  discussion  on  Urta  under  Text  No.  53. 

A word  in  this  connection  concerning  the  identification  of  the  city,  which 
appears  to  he  a chief  habitat  of  this  deity.  There  are  frequent  references  in 
the  early  inscriptions  to  a place  Marki  and  a deity  Nin-Marki.  E-Nin-Markl  was 
a district  in  Southern  Babylonia.  The  city  Mar  has  been  located  in  that  region 
at  Tel  Ede  near  Warka;7  but  it  is  now  known  to  have  been  in  the  West. 
Eannadn  informs  ns  that  Ma-ri  (or  Ma-erki)  was  allied  with  Kish  and  Kesli 
(Opis)  against  him  (VAB  I,  22  VI,  22).  There  is  a statuette  of  an  early 
king,  . . . — Shamash,  king  of  Ma-riki,  who  was  also  pa-t e-si-gal  dEnlil 
( CT  V,  2 :12146).  Sargon,  in  a recently  published  text,  mentions  Ma-riki  as  being 
in  the  upper  land  (JJMB8  V,  34  V:4).  It  is  said  that  in  an  unpublished  Nippur 
tablet,  Ishbi-Urra,  the  founder  of  the  Isin  dynasty,  is  called  a man  of  Mari.8 
In  the  Code  of  Hammurabi,  we  learn  that  it  was  a city  along  the  Euphrates, 
in  the  land  of  god  Dagan.  It  would  seem  that  Marki,  Ma-riki  (or  Ma-erki ),  and 
Ma-raki,  were  different  forms  of  the  same  name. 

Isidore  of  Cliarax,  in  his  account  of  the  overland  trade  between  the  Levant 
and  India,  in  the  first  century  B.  C.,  mentions  -a  city  on  the  Euphrates  called 
“Merra,  a fortified  place,  a walled  village.”  This  city  has  been  identified  with 
the  modern  El  ’Irzi,  which  is  also  called  A1  Wurdi  by  the  Arabs.  The  name 
El  Bans  has  also  been  given  to  the  city  by  Cernik.9  Its  location  is  on  the 
north  side  of  the  river  opposite  a point  between  Abu-Kemel  and  El-Kain.  It 
is  built  upon  the  headland  of  a low  range  of  rocky  hills,  reaching  to  the  river- 
side. The  ruins  upon  the  bluffs  are  extensive,  and  can  be  seen  from  a great 
distance.  They  are  said  to  be  very  picturesque.  If  Anatlio  of  Isidore’s 
stations,  is  ’Ana,  and  Aipolis  is  Hit,  Merra  should  be  at  least  in  the  vicinity  of 
El  ’Irzi,  according  to  the  length  of  the  schoenus  or  parasang  which  he  used. 
The  fact  that  it  was  a fortified  place  would  seem  to  be  in  favor  of  the  identifi- 
cation. Be  this  as  it  may,  the  present  writer  proposes  the  identification  of  Mar, 
Mari  (or  Maer),  and  Mara,  the  ancient  fortified  city,  well  known  from  the 

7 Cf.  Delitzsch  Parodies,  p.  223. 

8 Cf.  Poebel  UMBS  IV1,  p.  223.  This  substantiates  the  view  of  the  writer  that  Ishbi- 
Urra  was  a Western  Semite  ( JAOS  28,  p.  142).  Other  names  of  the  dynasty  Idin-Dagan, 
Isme-Dagan,  Ur-Urta(NIN-IB) , Urra-imitti,  etc.,  also  show  the  same  influence. 

9 Cf.  Studien  Expedition,  1872-73 ; Ainsworth  The  Euphrates  Expedition  I,  p.  387  f ; 
Peters  Nippur  or  Explorations  on  the  Euphrates  I,  311-316 ; and  Schoff  Parthian  Stations 
by  Isidore  of  Charax,  p.  24. 


MACE-HEAD  OF  THE  EARLY  PERIOD 


5 


Babylonian  inscriptions,  with  Merra  on  the  Euphrates,  mentioned  by  Isidore. 
Sargon  in  the  inscription,  mentioned  above,  apparently  refers  to  the  country 
Mari.  The  city  Mari  very  probably  was  the  chief  political  centre.  There  can 
be  little  doubt  but  that  the  name  Mar-tu  for  the  country  further  West,  is  to  be 
identified  with  Mari  the  name  for  the  middle  Mesopotamian  region. 

Nos.  4 and  5.  Two  Inscriptions  of  Entemena. 

The  inscribed  pebble  and  the  baked  brick  containing  new  inscriptions  of 
Entemena,  apparently  were  found  at  Tello,  the  ancient  city  of  Lagash.  The 
purpose  of  the  former  is  not  clear,  unless  it  is  votive  in  character.  Besides  the 
known  operations  of  Entemena  which  it  mentions,  it  records  the  fact  that  he 
built  Sar-ra  (?)  -shag-ga.  Unfortunately,  the  second  character  of  the  name  lias 
been  injured.  Does  it  mean  “park  of  the  heart”!  He  also  built  a fortress  of 
the  plain,  which  he  named  E-igi-ila-edin-na,  “the  lofty  guard-house  of  the 
plain;”  also  a fortress  or  ship-dock  in  Girsu,  a part  of  Lagash,  which  he 
named  En-zi-shag-gal.  The  brick  refers  to  other  operations,  as  given  below. 


Inscribed  Stone  of  Entemena. 


Col. 


Col. 


I.  dN  i n-g  i r-z  u 

ur-sag  dEn-lil-ra 
E n-t  e-m  e-n  a 
p a-t  e-s  i ' 

5 SlR-LA-BURki-ge 
d u m u E n-a  n-n  a-t  u m 
p a-t  e-s  i 

SlR-LA-BURki-k  a-g  e 
e-g  a 1 a n-g  u d1  -s  u r-r  a 
II.  dN  i n-g  i r-z  u-r  a 
m u-n  a-d  u 

g u s k i n k u-b  a r-b  a r-r  a 
s u-m  u-n  a-n  i-t  a g 
5 S ar-[r a!]-sag-ga  mu-na-du 
p u-s  i g-EDIN-r  a 


To  Ningirsu, 

the  warrior  of  Enlil, 

Entemena, 

ruler 

of  Lagash, 

the  son  of  Enannatum, 

ruler  of 

Lagash, 

the  temple  of  Antasurra 
for  Ningirsu 
he  built. 

With  gold  and  silver 
he  adorned  it, 

Sarra  ! ( ) -sliagga  he  built. 
The  well  sig-EDIN-ra 


1 It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  sign  in  the  text  Decouvertes  en  Chaldee , XLYI,  Rev.  1 : 1, 
is  also  GUD,  which  lias  been  read  t a,  and  considered  to  be  a mistake. 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


6 


m u-n  a-n  i-s  i (g ) -s  i ( g ) 2 
u d-b  a 

Col.  III.  ur-ra-ni 
D u- d u 

s a li  g u dN  i n-g  i r-z  u-k  a-g  e 
b a d-d  a-q  a 
5 g li  e d i 11-11  a-k  a 
mu-du 

e-i  g i-i  1 a-e  d i n-n  a 

m u m u-n  a-s  a3 

b a d-t  e-a-m  a-p  a d-b  i-r  a ( ? ) 

10  G i r-z  uw-k  a 
Col.  IV.  in  u-d  li 

e n-z  i-s  a g-g  a 1 
in  u in  u-n  a-s  a3 
d i n g i r-r  a-n  i 
5 dDUN-x 
n a m-t  i ( 1 ) -1  a-n  i-s  ii 
dN  i n-g  i r-z  n-r  a 
e-n  i n n u-a 
k a-s  n li  e-n  a-s  ii-g  a 1 


lie  enlarged. 

At  that  time, 
liis  servant, 

Dn  du, 

priest  of  Ningirsn, 
the  qa  fortress 
of  Gnedin 
built. 

E-igi-ila-edin-na 
he  named  it. 

The  fortress  Temen-a-ma-pad-bi-ra 
of  Girzu 
he  built. 

En-zi-shag-gal 
he  named  it. 

His  god 
is  Dun-x; 
for  his  life ; 
to  Ningirsu, 
in  E-ninnu, 

prayer  verily  he  lifted  up. 


Inscribed  Brick  of  Entemena 


Col.  I.  dN  i n-g  i r-z  u 

u r-s  a g dE  n-1  i 1-r  a 
E n-t  e-m  e-n  a 
p a-t  e-s  i 
5 SIR-LA-BURW 
[s  ag-p  a d]-d  a 
Col.  II.  dNinni 

p a-t  e-s  i-g  a 1 
dN  i n-g  i r-z  u-k  a-g  e 
e-m  a li  k i-s  u r-r  a 
5 dE  n-1  i 1-1  i 


To  Ningirsu, 

the  warrior  of  Enlil, 

Entemena, 

the  ruler 

of  Lagash, 

chosen  one  of  the  heart 

of  Turn'll  a., 

the  great  ruler 

of  the  god  Ningirsu, 

the  great  boundary- ditch 

for  Enlil 


2 In  CT  IX  1,  III : 5,  Eannatum  built  the  well  (p  u-s  1 g-EDIN-r  a mii-na-ni-chi). 

3 Cf.  m u-s  u i ru-m  a-s  a V AB  I,  p.  114,  23  : 12,  etc. 


INSCRIBED  BRICK  OF  ENTEMENA 


7 


dN  i n-g  i r-z  u-r  a-n  i-r  a4 

and  for  his  Ningirsu, 

Col.  III. 

m u-n  a-a  g 

he  made. 

E n-t  e-m  e-n  a-g  e 

By  Entemena, 

1 u g a 1 k i-a  n-n  a-a  g-g  a-n  i 

the  king  who  loves  him, 

dN  i n-g  i r-z  u-r  a 

for  Ningirsu, 

5 

i d-n  u n-t  a 

from  the  great  river, 

Col. 

IV. 

mn-bi  kur-ra 

mu-bi-kur-ra 

e-n  a-t  a-n  i-e 

it  was  caused  to  go. 

n a-r  u-a 

A memorial  stone 

a-s  a g-g  a n k i-s  u r-r  a 

of  the  district  boundary 

5 

dN  i n-g  i r-z  u-k  a 

of  Ningirsu 

m u-k  i-d  ii5 

he  set  up. 

Col. 

V. 

E n-t  e-m  e-n  a 

Entemena  is 

galu  e-m  ah 

the  one  who  the  great  ditch 

dN  i n-g  i r-s  u-k  a 

of  Ningirsu 

a k-k  a 

made. 

5 

d i n g i r-r  a-n  i 

His  god 

dDUN-dx 

is  Dun-dx. 

Nos.  6 and  7.  Fragmentary  Votive  Inscriptions. 

The  first  of  the  two  inscriptions  from  fragments  of  alabaster  objects,  reads : 
dNin-lil-la  Bara-sir  dam  Lugal-kur-si  “To  Ninlil,  Bara-sir,  the  wife  of 
Lugal-kursi  . . . ” The  second  inscription  reads  : . . . s a b r a e A s-n  e r- 
tum  dam  Sar-r u-g i-k a-g e n a m-t i . . . “ The  magician  of  the  temple, 
Ashnertum,  the  wife  of  Sargon,  for  (her)  life  . . . ” 

No.  8.  Inscription  for  the  Life  of  Ur-Ningirsu. 

The  only  ruler  of  Lagash  known  to  the  writer  whose  name  ends  in  N i n- 
gir-su,  is  Ur-dNin-gir-su,  the  son  of  Gudea.  The  restored  text,  dedicated  for 
the  life  of  the  ruler,  and  his  own  life,  reads  as  follows : 

[d]Ba-ii  To  the  goddess  Bau, 

[nin]-a-ni  his  lady, 

4 The  additional  r a may  be  a mistake  of  the  scribe. 

5 M u-k  i-d  u may  be  a mistake  for  m u-n  a-d  u,  but  it  seems  reasonable  that  k i = asm, 
and  du  = banv,  should  mean  “to  erect. ” 


8 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


[n  am]-ti(l) 

[ U r-dN  i n]  -g  i r-z  u 
5 [pa-te]-si 
SIR-BUR-LAki-k  a-s  u 
U r-dL  u g a 1-e  d i n-n  a a-z  u 
u n a m-t  i ( 1 ) -1  a-n  i-s  u 
a-m  u-n  a-r  u 

No.  9.  Votive  Bowl 

The  following  Sumerian  inscription 
There  are  no  reasons  for  believing  that  G 

dB  a-h 
n i li-a-ii  i 
Gal  n- s a g-g  a 
n a m-t  i (1)  -1  a-n  i-s  u 
5 u nam-ti 
d a m-t  n r-n  a-su 
a-m  n-n  a-r  n 


for  the  life 
of  Ur-dNingirsn, 
ruler 

of  Lagash, 

Ur-Lugal-edina,  the  physician, 
also  for  his  life, 
he  presented  it. 

of  Galit-shagga. 

is  cut  on  a howl  of  grey  limestone, 
lalu-shagga  is  a royal  personage. 

To  the  goddess  Bau, 
his  mistress, 

Galu-sliagga, 
for  his  life, 
and  the  life 
of  his  young  bride, 
he  presented  it. 


No.  10.  Inscription  of  Naram-Sin. 

"Within  the  past  few  years  there  have  been  found  at  Wanna-Sedonm  several 
inscribed  stone  objects,  bearing  an  inscription  of  Naram-Sin.  Three  of  these 
were  sent  to  New  Haven,  and  one  was  secured  for  the  Louvre.  "With  the 
exception  of  the  one  retained  for  the  , Yale  Collection,  see  Plate  I,  all  these 
stones  were  mutilated  for  transportation  purposes.  They  were  reduced  in 
size,  leaving  intact  only  the  inscription.  It  seems  in  each  case  that  the 
inscription  must  have  been  cut  alongside  or  partially  around  a hole,  like  the  one 
that  is  intact,  above  referred  to,  for  each  inscription  is  circular  in  form.  The 
text  is  a reproduction  of  one  of  the  stones  which  were  reduced  in  size.  It  has 
now  found  its  way  into  the  New  York  Public  Library. 

The  upper  face  of  the  Yale  stone  is  round,  about  29.5  cm.  in  diameter.  The 
surface  is  smooth  and  polished.  The  bottom  of  the  stone  is  about  36  cm.  in 
diameter;  and  the  thickness  is  14  cm.  About  one-quarter  of  the  upper  part 
of  the  sloping  sides  lias  been  smoothed ; the  balance  is  somewhat  irregular  and 
rough.  It  would  seem  that  perhaps  three  or  four  centimeters  were  exposed, 


INSCRIPTION  OF  NARAM-SIN 


9 


while  the  balance  of  the  stone  was  sunk  in  the  pavement,  or  foundation.  There 
is  a shallow  hole  in  the  centre  of  the  stone  about  8 cm.  in  diameter,  and  0.75  cm. 
in  depth.  These  stones  have  been  regarded  as  gate  or  door-sockets,  but  the 
depression  in  some  instances  is  so  slight  that  it  is  difficult  to  understand  how 
the  post  upon  which  the  gate  or  door  swung  would  remain  in  it,  unless  held 
in  position  by  being  fastened  to  the  wall,  just  as  was  the  upper  part  of  the  post. 
The  holes  of  some  of  the  gate-sockets  which  contain  these  shallow  holes,  show 
signs  of  wear  from  usage.  The  one  under  consideration,  however,  cannot  be 
said  to  furnish  indications  of  such  wear;  which  raises  the  question  whether 
each  portal  did  not  contain  such  a stone,  even  if  a gate  was  not  swung  in  it. 

The  inscription  records  the  building  of  the  temple  of  Shar-Maradda  at 
Marad,  by  the  ishakku  of  the  city,  Libet-ili  by  name,1  hitherto  unknown,  who 
was  the  son  of  Naram-Sin.  The  name  of  the  temple  is  not  given,  but  in  the 
account  of  his  restoration  of  it,  Nebuchadnezzar,  several  thousand  years  later, 
see  Text  No.  44,  calls  it  E-igi-kalama.  Inasmuch  as  the  stone  and  the  cylinder 
both  refer  to  the  temple  in  Marad,  and  both  were  found  at  Wanna-Sedoum, 
there  can  be  but  little  doubt  that  this  site  represents  the  ancient  city  of  Marad.2 
The  ruins  are  situated  on  the  Euphrates  almost  due  west  of  Nippur,  and  a little 
south  of  the  west  of  Daghara.  On  the  map  of  Kiepert  Ruinenf elder  der 
Umgegend  von  Babylon,  the  site  is  called  Wannet  es  Stidun. 

From  a knowledge  of  the  excavations  at  Nippur  and  other  temples  of  the 
early  period,  and  of  the  character  of  the  inscribed  objects  discovered  in  the 
ruins,  the  theory  seems  reasonable  that  the  temennu  or  foundation  stone,  con- 
cerning which  several  of  the  Neo-Babylonian  rulers  refer  to  when  they  speak  of 
restoring  ancient  temples,  is  what  we  call  a gate-socket.  Especially  does  this 
seem  likely  in  view  of  the  fact  that  such  stones  laid  in  the  foundation  at  each 
gate  had  a religious  significance.  An  alternate  view  of  course  is  that  the  actual 
foundation  contained  bricks  bearing  the  name  of  the  ruler  who  established  it. 
While  stamped  bricks  have  not  yet  appeared  from  the  illicit  diggings  at  Marad, 
it  is  reasonable  to  assume  that  they  have,  or  will  be  found.  Since  not  only  bricks 
taken  from  the  pavement  of  the  temple  court  at  Nippur  bearing  the  simple 

1 The  writer  published  the  translation  in  Orient  alistische  Liter  at  urzeitung , 1914,  col. 
111.  Thureau-Dangin  subsequently  published  a translation  of  the  inscription  in  the 
Louvre,  RA  XI,  p.  89. 

2 The  writer  published  this  identification  (ibid,  col.  110),  but  Thureau-Dangin,  on 
the  basis  of  a cylinder  inscription  found  at  the  same  site,  had  anticipated  it,  RA  IX,  p.  84. 
The  Naram-Sin  inscription,  however,  confirms  the  identification. 


10 


M ISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


legend,  “Naram-Sm,  builder  of  the  temple  of  Enid”  have  been  found,  but  the 
actual  brick-stamps  which  had  been  used  by  the  brick  maker;  and  since  there 
were  found  at  Bismya  an  almost  identical  stamp,  reading,  “Naram-Sin,  builder 
of  the  temple  of  Ishtar,”  and  at  Sippar  one  reading,  “ Naram-Sin,  builder  of 
the  temple  of  Sliamash”3  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  Nebuchadnezzar  dis- 


covered a foundation  at  Marad  coveri 
containing  impressions  from  a similar 
the  temple  of  Shar-Maradda.” 

Na-ra-am-dSin 
da-num 
sar 

ki-ib-ra-tim 
5 ar-ba-im 
sa-ir 

10—1  KAS-LIGIR 
ina  satti  1 
is-tum 

10  KAS-LIGIR  KAS-LIGIR 
su-nu-ti 
isarru(-ar-ru) 
u 

sar-rt-su-nu  3 
15  i-ik-mi-ma 
mah-ri-is 
dEn-lil 
u-sa-ri-ib 
in  u-mi-su 
20  Li-be-it-i-li 
mar-su 

isakki  ( PA-TE-SI ) 
Marad-dakt 
bit 

25  dSar-Marad-da 
in  Marad-daki 


d with  a pavement  composed  of  bricks 
stamp,  reading,  “Naram-Sin,  builder  of 

Naram-Sin, 
the  mighty 
king 

of  the  four 

quarters, 

the  conqueror 

of  nine  armies 

in  one  year, 

when 

those 

armies 

he  overcame, 

and 

their  three  kings 

he  bound,  and 

before 

Enlil 

brought ; 

in  that  day 

Libet-ili, 

his  son, 

the  ruler 

of  Marad, 

the  temple 

of  Shar-Maradda, 

in  Marad, 


3 The  indications  are  that  the  same  artist  made  the  three  stamps  for  the  building 
operations  of  the  king  at  the  different  sites. 


INSCRIPTION  OF  NARAM-SIN 


11 


ib-ni 

sd  duppam 
su-a 


built. 

Whoever 

this  inscription 

alters, 

may  the  god  Shamash 
and 

Shar-Maradda 
tear  out 
his  foundation, 
and 

exterminate 
his  seed. 


30  u-sa-za-ku-nu 
dSamas 
u 

d8ar-Marad-da 

isid-su 


35  li-su-ha 
u 

zera-su 

li-il-gu-da 


Nos  11  and  12.  Heptagonal  Cylinders. 


The  Paris  dealer  from  whom  these  cylinders  were  purchased  gave  Nippur 
as  the  provenance,  which  seems  correct  from  the  fact  that  a similar  cone  was 
found  by  Haynes,  the  Director  of  the  fourth  expedition  to  Nippur. f They  con- 
tain lists  of  names,  titles,  buildings  and  objects.  It  is  expected  that  an 
exhaustive  study  of  the  cylinders  will  shortly  appear  in  one  of  the  periodicals. 


No.  13.  A new  King  of  Guti. 


Several  kings  of  Guti,  the  country  north  of  Assyria,  are  known  from  the 
inscriptions:  La-s[i-r]a-ab,x  E-ir-ri-du-pi-zi-ir,2  Si-u-um,3  and  Ti-ri-qa-a-an.4 
The  fragmentary  tablet  giving  the  summary  of  dynasties  found  in  the  Phila- 
delphia collection  recently  published5  would  seem  to  indicate  that  there  were 
eleven  kings  in  the  dynasty  of  Guti,  who  ruled  125  years ; but  unfortunately 

f See  Clay  Light  on  the  Old  Testament  from  Babel,  p.  185 ; and  Ililpreclit  Trans.  Dept, 
of  Arch,  U.  of  P .,  Vol.  I,  p.  52. 

1 Cf.  ZA  IV,  p.  406. 

2 Also  written  En-ri-da-pi-zi-ir  da-num  sar  Gu-ti-um  u ki-ib-ra-tim  ar-ba-im,  cf. 
Ililpreclit  BE  Ser.  D,  VI,  p.  20  f. 

3 In  a date  formula  on  a marble  tablet  of  Lugal-anna-du,  ruler  of  Umma : u-b  a 
S i-u-u m 1 u g a 1 G u-t i-n m-k am  “At  that  time  Siam  was  king  of  Guti. ’ ’ Comp.  Bend. 
1911,  318  ft. 

4 Also  written  T i-riq-qa-an,  see  Thureau-Dangin  RA  IX,  pp.  111-120.  He 
apparently  was  the  last  ruler  of  the  Guti  dynasty,  which  was  overthrown  by  Utu-hegal. 

5Cf.  Poebel  UMBS  V.  2,  col.  12:12. 


MISCELLANE( )US  INSCRIPTIONS 


the  names  are  wanting,  with  the  exception  of  portions  of  two,  namely  Imbi  . . 
and  Inki  . . . The  inscription  here  published,  from  a small  baked  cone,  furnishes 
ns  with  another  ruler  of  Guti,  named  Shamash-bani.  Ill),  without  the  determi- 
native for  deity,  is  read  as  if  Semitic,  because  of  the  second  element  of  the  name, 
ba-ni.  It  should  be  noted  that  other  names  of  Guti  kings  appear  to  be  Semitic, 
as  Erridu-pizir,  and  the  fragmentary  name  beginning  with  Imbi. 

Since  Erridu-pizir  uses  the  title  “king  of  the  four  quarters,”  and  Shun 
was  apparently  the  suzerain  power  of  Umma,  when  Lugal-anna-du  was  ishakku 
of  that  city,  these  rulers  together  with  Tiriqan  and  the  one  here  published, 
who  was  king  of  Guti  and  also  isliakku  of  Umma,  very  probably  belonged  to  the 
dynasty  mentioned  above.  This  being  true,  Las [ir jab  may  also  have  belonged 
to  the  dynasty.  But  it  is  also  possible  that  rulers  contemporaneous  with  those 
of  other  dynasties  also  governed  Guti.  Perhaps  Tid'al  of  t-lie  fourteenth  chapter 
of  Genesis,  whom  some  scholars  consider  to  be  a king  of  Guti,  was  one  of  these. 
The  inscription,  in  Sumerian,  which  may  have  been  written  about  3000  B.  C., 
follows : 


S a m a s-b  a-n  i 
a r-1  a-g  a d i n g i r° 

1 u g a 1 G u-t  i-u  m-k  a m5 * 7 * * 10 
dN  i n-g  u r-r  a 


Shamash-bani, 
lofty  one  ( !)  of  God, 
king  of  Guti, 
to  Ningurra, 
the  mother  of  Umma, 
his  lofty  one, 
the  ruler  of 
Umma, 

her  old  temple 
he  built,  and 
restored  to  its  place. 


5 am  a Gis-IlUki-r  a 

n a m-m  a h-n  i 

p a-t  e-s  i 

Gis-ITUki-g  e 

e IGI  + Lll-1  a-n  i 


10  mu-na-ru 

ki-bi  mu-na-gi 


No.  14.  Inscription  of  Galu-utu. 

This  ruler  of  Umma  lias  been  known  from  another  clay  cone  (cf.  CT  1:50, 
and  RT  21,  p.  125).  The  present  text,  written  in  Sumerian,  is  new. 

cIf  the  supposition  that  a r-1  a-g  a means  “lofty,”  as  suggested  to  me  by  Prince,  or 
perhaps  something  like  “beloved”  should  prove  correct,  dingir  may  point  to  mono- 
theistic tendencies. 

7 The  sign  appears  to  have  the  value  k a m.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  it  differs  in  form 
from  the  sign  read  kam  by  Barton  BA  IX,  No.  364  Aleph. 


INSCRIPTION  OF  GALU-UTU 


13 


dN  i n-k  i-g  a 1 
n i n-k  i-1  a lj-u-r  a 
Gal  u-dU  t u 
p a-t  e-s  i 
5 GIS-HUki-ge 
n a m-t  i-1  a-n  i-s  u 
k i-dU  d-n  d-d  n 
ki  n a m-t  a r-r  i-d  a 
e in  u-n  a-ru 
10  gab-ba 

a-n  e-i  11-g  i-i  n 
m n-b  i 
pa  ne-in-e 


To  Ninkigal, 

the  lady  of  the  splendid  place, 

Galu-Utu, 

the  ruler 

of  Umma, 

for  his  life 

Ki-dUduddu, 

the  place  of  fate, 

the  house  he  built; 

its  front 

he  established; 

its  name 

he  named. 


No.  15.  Mace-head  of  Gudea. 


The  provenance  of  the  fragmentary  mace-liead  is  not  known.  It  was  about 
9 cm.  in  diameter.  The  hole  through  it  was  about  1.12  cm.  in  diameter.  The 
inscription  reads  as  follows : 


dGal-gir  (or  alim) 
luga  1-a-n  i 
n a m-t  i 
G u-d  e-a 
5 p a-t  e-s  i 
SlR-BUR-LAki 
[m  u-n  a-r  u] 


To  the  god  Gal-gir, 

his  lord, 

for  the  life 

of  Gudea, 

the  ruler  of 

Lagash, 

[he  presented  it] 


No.  16.  Votive  Inscription  of  ITr-Engur  to  the  God  Shara. 

Inscriptions  of  Ur-Engur  similar  to  the  one  here  published  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  first  line,  are  known.  This  inscription,  which  is  found  on  a light 
marble  fragment,  reads:  “To  Shara,  his  lord,  Ur-Engur,  the  mighty  hero,  king 
of  Ur,  king  of  Sumer  and  Accad  . . .”  The  inscription  is  important  in  that 
we  learn  for  the  first  time  of  Ur-Engur ’s  activity  for  the  god  Shara,  in  the  city 
of  Umma,  where  this  inscription  was  found.  The  sign  representing  this  deity’s 
name  has  been  known  for  a long  time,  but  its  reading  and  until  recently,  the 
habitat  of  the  deity,  could  not  be  determined. 


14 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


Arab  diggers  in  recent  years  have  been  working  at  a site  known  as  Joklia, 
the  ancient  city  of  Umma,  where  large  archives  of  tablets,  and  some  stone  inscrip- 
tions have  been  found.  Many  of  the  texts  from  this  site  contain  the  name  of 
the  city’s  chief  deity;  but  the  ideogram  representing  the  name,  as  stated,  could 
not  be  read.  The  Yale  Syllabary,  see  Text  No.  53,  now  makes  this  possible. 
But  instead  of  the  name  of  Umma’s  deity  having  been  unknown,  it  proves  to 
have  been  that  of  a deity  with  whose  name  we  have  been  familiar.  Sara  is  not 
only  the  reading  of  LAGAB  with  igi-gunu,  but  also  of  the  signs  LAGAB 
with  TAlv  inserted  (see  Text  53:112),  BARUN,  BARA,  and  LUGAL.  It  is 
also  written  Sa-a-ru,  Sar-ri,  Sar,  Sar(HI),  Sar(IM),  etc.,  (see  notes  below). 

The  name  of  the  sign,  namely  1 agab-igigunu-igub,  see  Text  No.  53:111, 
leaves  no  doubt  as  to  that  which  the  scribes  of  the  late  period  recognized  it  to 
be  composed  of.  Lagab  an  enclosure,  with  igi-gunu  inserted,  which  meant 
something  like  “to  be  bright,”  was  the  ideogram  introduced  for  the  writing  of 
the  name  of  the  deity  at  Umma.  This,  considered  in  connection  with  the  mean- 
ings of  the  other  ideograms  used  for  the  deity’s  name,  makes  it  reasonable  to 
infer  that  the  god  like  so  many  other  deities  of  Babylonia,  was  solar.1 

The  discovery  that  the  name  of  Umma’s  chief  deity  is  to  be  read  Shara, 
considered  in  connection  with  the  name  of  Marad’s  deity,  namely  Shar-Maradda, 
and  the  wide  occurrence  of  the  name  in  cuneiform  literature  as  an  element  in 
divine  names,  in  the  names  of  temples  and  personal  names  of  all  early  periods,2 

1 This  finds  support  in  the  reading  Sa-ra  for  dIM,  dBARA  and  dSURIM  in  CT  29, 
46 : 18-20,  on  the  obverse  of  which  tablet,  li.  21-24,  dIM  = Se-ru,  Mu-ur,  A-da-ad,  and 
I-lu-me-ir.  In  this  connection  the  Sumerian  reading  Me-ir,  and  the  Semitic  Sa-a-ru 
for  MER(GIR) , CT  24,  44:153,  is  interesting. 

2 This  deity  in  the  Sargonic  period  figures  prominently  as  an  element  in  names,  where 
it  is  written  Sd-ri,  Sar-ri,  Sarru , Sdr-ru  and  Sar-ra.  For  the  early  period,  cf.  Sdr-ru- 
ba-ni,  Sdr-ru-tdb , etc.,  Dliorme,  BA  YI3,  85  ff.  The  name  of  the  deity  seems  to  be  found 
in  the  well  known  Sar-ga-ni-Sdr-ri  and  Bi-in-ga-ni-Sdr-ri.  This  appears  to  be  evident 
when  we  compare  them  witli  such  names  as  I -sir -sar-ri,  Sar-ru-i-sir , and  A-bi-i-sir.  It  is 
quite  reasonable  to  assume,  as  has  been  done  previously,  that  some  of  these  names, 
including  Sargani-Sarri,  are  West  Semitic. 

In  the  period  of  the  Ur  dynasty,  many  names  are  compounded  witli  the  god  LUGAL, 
Sarra,  Sar,  etc.,  cf.  Sar-ra-dug-dua,  S a-a  r-k  i s-s  a-ku  1,  S a-a  r-k  i s-t  u r,  etc.,  see 
Huber  Personennamen;  Barton  Ilaverford  Collection ; Keiser  Cuneiform  Bulla , etc. 

In  Hittite-Mitannaean  names,  not  a few  are  compounded  with  the  deity’s  name, 
written  HI,  Sar,  Sar-ri,  Sa-ra,  and  Sarru(LUGAL) , cf.  Ah-li-ib -Sar-ri,  etc.,  Clay  PN , 
p.  201.  Cf.  also  the  names  compounded  with  Sara,  apparently  from  Hittite  sources,  col- 
lected by  Sundwall  Die  Einheimiscken  Namen  der  Lykier,  Klio  1913  Elftes  Beiheft,  p.  190  f. 


INSCRIPTION  OF  UR-ENGUR 


15 


is  but  another  proof  of  the  great  influence  of  the  West  upon  the  religion  of  the 
people  who  settled  in  Babylonia,  where  in  the  different  cities  or  centers  of  cul- 
ture, the  names  and  epithets  of  western  solar  gods,  brought  by  the  Semites  and 
Sumerians,3  were  represented  by  different  ideograms,  which  in  time  lost  their 
identity  and  were  recognized  as  independent  deities. 


No.  17.  Votive  Object  for  the  Life  of  Dungi. 

This  inscription  is  found  on  a fragment  of  a large  white  marble  vase,  about 
one  inch  in  thickness.  It  apparently  had  been  dedicated  to  Shara,  as  it  was 
received  with  other  inscriptions  from  Ifmma.  It  reads : 


[dS  ar  a] 

d u m u k i-a  g dN  i n n i 
1 u g a 1-a-n  i 
nam-[ti] 

5 dDun-gi 
us  e s i g-g a 
1 u g a 1 U r iki-m  a 
1 u g a 1 a n-u  b-d  a-t  a b-b  a-k  a-g 
Gal  u-dN  annar 
10  d u m u S u-u  r u-u  m 
d a m-q  a r-g  e 


[To  Shara], 

the  beloved  son  of  Innina, 

his  lord, 

for  the  life  of 

Dungi, 

the  great  hero, 
the  king  of  Ur, 

e the  king  of  the  four  quarters, 
Galu-dNannar, 
son  of  Shurum, 
the  damqar 


In  this  connection,  cf.  the  divine  name  dE-a-sar-ri,  which  appears  among  Hittite-Mitannian 
gods  (cf.  Weber  TA,  p.  1057),  and  in  names  of  the  Cassite  period  (cf.  Clay  PN,  p.  148). 
Perhaps  the  name  Shara  is  to  be  found  in  that  of  a mountain,  Sa-hi-sa-ra,  Tiglathpileser  I, 
IV : 62.  It  would  seem  that  the  original  habitat  of  Sara  was  in  the  West;  and  that  with 
the  entrance  of  the  Semites  and  the  Sumerians,  the  worship  of  the  god  was  brought  into 
Babylonia. 

Among  the  compounds  in  which  Bar  appears  as  an  element,  besides  such  temple  names 
as  E-sar-ra,  E-sar-bi,  etc.,  might  be  mentioned  the  following:  An-sar,  CT  24,  1:8; 
An-sar-gal  CT  24,  1:6;  Ki-sar  CT  24,  1:9;  Ki-sar-gal  CT  24,  1 : 7;  K i-s  a r-s  a-r-u 
CT  25,  35ob : 23 ; dEn-Sar  CT  24,  1:10;  dNin-Sar,  CT  24,  10:16;  dSar-sar-ri 
(_  <qv7jV_/.B  sa  naspanti),  CT  25,  11:27;  dSar-sar-ra  (=  dNIN-IB  sa  na-as-pan-ti) , CT  24, 
40:62;  dS  a r-s  a r ( = GIB  sa  Su-ti-i ) CT  24,  42:93;  Sa  r-u  r-r  a,  BA  XI,  p.  83  ; dS  a r- 
s a r-g  al  ( =Marduk ) CT  24,  37:86;  dSar-ra-bu  { = dLU  GAL-GIB-BA  Marki  = Nergal) 
CT  25,  36r:30;  dE  n-m  e-s  a r-r  a (=  Nergal),  CT  24,  4:26;  etc. 

3 See  the  theory  of  Briinnow  on  the  origin  of  the  Sumerians,  ZA  28,  377  ff. 


16 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


No.  20.  Gate-socket  op  Gimil-Sin,, 


Tlie  text  of  this  inscription,  belonging  to  the  so-callecl  king,  Gimil-Sin,  of 
the  Ur  dynasty,  is  found  on  two  objects  in  the  Yale  Collection;  one,  a diorite 
gate-socket  in  a perfect  state  of  preservation,  which  is  here  published;  and  the 
other  on  a slab  (YBC  No.  2129).  There  is  a copy  of  the  inscription  in  the  New 
York  City  Library,  and  another,  although  the  text  is  not  complete,  in  the  British 
Museum,  which  has  been  published,  CT  32:6.  The  Yale  Collection  contains 
also  another  gate-socket  of  this  king  with  a shorter  form  of  the  same  text,  a 
copy  of  which  is  in  the  British  Museum  {CT  32:6).  All  these  inscriptions 
have  been  found  obviously  at  the  same  site,  which  within  the  last  four  years,  has 
been  the  scene  of  considerable  activity  on  the  part  of  the  Arabs. 


dS  a r a 

n i r-g  a 1 a n-n  a 
dumu  ki-ag 
dN  i n n i 
5 ad-da-ni-ir 
dG  i m i l-dS  i n 
isib  a n-n  a 
UH-ME  s n-1  ah-1  ah 
dE  n-1  i 1 

10  dNin-lil-ka 

u d i n g i r-g  a 1-g  a 1 -e-n  e 
1 u g a 1 dE  n-1  i 1-1  i 
ki-ag 
s a g-g  a-n  a 
15  i n-p  a d 

sib  k a 1 a m-m  a-s  u 
1 u g a 1 e s i g-g  a 
1 u g a 1 Ur  iki-m  a 
In  gal  an-ub-da  t a b-t a b-b a-g e the  king  of  the  four  quarters, 
20  u d b a d M a r-t  u then  the  west  wall 

M u-r  i-i  q Mnriq 

T i-i  d-n  i-i  m Tidnim 

mu-ru-a  he  built, 


To  Sliara, 

the  mighty  one  of  heaven, 
the  beloved  son 
of  Innina, 
his  father, 

Gimil-Sin, 

the  priest  of  heaven, 
the  anointed,  the  bright  one 
of  Enlil, 
of  Ninlil, 

and  of  the  great  gods; 
the  king,  whom  Enlil, 
for  the  beloved 
of  his  heart, 
had  chosen, 

for  the  shepherd  of  the  land, 
the  mighty  king, 
the  king  of  Ur, 


u g i r M a r-t  u 


and  the  west  street 


GATE-SOCKET  OF  GIMIL-SIN 


17 


25  ma-da-ni-e1 
n e-i  n-g  e-a 
E-s  a g-g  i-p  a d-d  a 


Madane 
lie  restored; 

Eshaggipadda  (the  temple  chosen  of 


30  mu-na-ru 


e ki-ag-ga-ni 
n a m-t  i (1)  -1  a-n  i-s  h 


his  heart), 
his  beloved  temple, 
for  his  life 
built. 


No.  26.  Yeab-date  List  op  Amab-Sin. 


The  year-dates  of  the  reign  of  Amar-Sin,  of  the  Ur  dynasty,  are  known. 
The  present  text,  from  a small  baked  tablet,  contains  dates  for  eight  of  the 
nine  years  the  king  ruled,  from  which  it  can  be  inferred  that  the  tablet  was 
written  during  his  reign.  It  was  found  among  tablets  of  the  Ur  dynasty. 
The  only  variation  in  the  list  is  in  the  third  year  date,  which  reads  mu-dingir 
g u-z  a dE  n-1  i 1-1  a b a-d  i m,  instead  of  m u sisg  u-z  a (m  a h)  dE  n-1  i 1-1  a b a-d  i m. 
Perhaps  dingir  is  a mistake  of  the  scribe  for  gis.  The  formula  for  the  fifth 
year  is  the  same  as  that  which  occurred  in  OBI  No.  127,  namely  mu  en-te- 
u nu-gal,  etc. 


No.  27.  Insceiption  op  Libit-Ishtab. 


This  ruler  has  been  known  for  some  years  from  two  fragmentary  cones 
which  contain  the  same  Sumerian  inscription,  but  only  the  first  half  of  which 
has  been  preserved.  ( CT  21,  18  and  19.)  This  text  is  the  same,  but  it  is 
complete. 

Following  the  king’s  reference  to  E-gi-par,  the  probable  seat  of  the  high- 
priest  of  the  city  of  Ur,  and  where  the  entu  votaries  practiced  divination,  he 
calls  himself  the  true  lord  of  the  n in-sun  (“woman  of  the  dwelling”),  which 
probably  is  a term  referring  to  the  entu  of  E-gi-par  (see  Text  No.  45).  In  this 
connection  the  title  used  by  Enannatum,  the  high-priest,  also  of  Ur,  should  be 
compared;  namely,  en  s al-NUNUZ-zid  dNannar,  “the  true  priest  of  the 
female  NUNUZ  of  Nannar.  ” 

dL  i-b  i-i  t-I  s-t  a r Libit-Ishtar, 

sib  BUR-na  the  humble  shepherd 

1 Since  the  preparation  of  the  above,  Unger  has  published  a copy  of  this  text  ZA, 
XXIX,  179  ff.  He  reads  Madane  as  above.  This  passage  in  CT  32:6  is  also  translated 
‘ ‘ turned  back  the  hosts  of  the  Amorites  into  their  land.  ’ ’ 


18 


M ISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


Nib  r uki 
e n ga  r-z  i(d) 

5 U r iki-m  a 
NINNI-n  u-t  u m-m  u 
E i“  i d aki-g  a 

0 n in  e-t  e 

IT  nu(g)ki-g  a 
10  1 u g a 1 N i-s  i-i  nki-n  a 

1 u g a 1 k i-E  n-g  i k i-U  r i 
sag-gi  tum-a 

dN  i n n i-g  e 
e-g  i-p  a r 

15  en  nin-sun-zid 
e n dN  i n-s  a r 
U r iw-m  a 
a g r i g-z  i d 
dN  i nd  i Id  i-g  a-k  a 
20  d u g-n  a m-z  i d-d  li 
e(  ?)-bu  r-ra-ka 
a-r  a-z  u-n  i-k  u-d  u-b  a 
d u in  u k i-a  g-g  a-n  i-i  r 
b a b b a r n i g-s  i-d  i 
25  k i-E  n-g  i k i-U  r i-a 
i-n  i-i  n-g  a r-r  a-a 
sag  Ur  iki-m  a-k  a 
m u-n  a-r  li 


of  Nippur, 
true  farmer 
of  Ur, 

who  busies  himself  unceasingly  with 
Eridu, 

the  distinguished  lord 

of  Erecli, 

king  of  Nisin, 

king  of  Sumer  and  Accad, 

desire  of  the  heart 

of  Iniiina 

of  E-gi-par, 

the  true  lord  of  the  votary, 
the  high  priest  of  dNin-sar 
of  Ur, 

the  true  vizier 
of  Ninlil, 
dug-nam-zid-du, 
the  house  of  vessels, 
for  A-ra-zu-ni-ku-du-ba, 
his  beloved  son, 
the  righteous  light 
of  Sumer  and  Accad, 
established ; 
in  Ur 
he  built  it. 


No.  28.  Sumerian  Prototype  of  the  Hammurabi  Code. 

It  is  now  quite  clear  from  a tablet  in  the  Yale  Babylonian  Collection,  here 
published,  not  only  that  the  Code  of  Hammurabi,  written  a little  prior  to  2000 
B.  C.,  was  preceded  in  point  of  time  by  a Sumerian  code  or  codes,  but,  as  has 
been  naturally  inferred,  also  that  the  Babylonian  lawgiver  actually  based  his 
laws  upon  existing  codes.  Although  the  tablet  is  not  dated,  there  can  be  but 
little  doubt  that  it  belongs  to  an  earlier  period  (see  below). 

The  provenance  of  the  tablet  cannot  be  determined  from  internal  evidence, 
though  it  was  said  to  have  come  from  Warka,  the  ancient  city  of  Erech.  It  is 


PROTOTYPE  OF  THE  HAMMURABI  CODE 


19 


thoroughly  baked  and  was  heavily  encrusted  from  being-  buried  for  more  than 
four  thousand  years  in  earth  impregnated  with  salts.  Unfortunately,  the  obverse 
of  the  tablet,  containing  the  first  three  columns,  is  disintegrated  to  such  an  extent 
that  it  is  practically  valueless.  It  appears  as  if  the  tablet  had  been  lying  in 
something  that  reduced  the  surface  of  this  side.  The  reverse  also  has  suffered 
considerably,  especially  from  fractures ; and  it  was  only  after  the  most  patient 
efforts  that  it  yielded  to  decipherment. 

Beneath  the  fourth  and  fifth  columns,  of  the  side  of  the  tablet  that  has  been 
preserved,  are  found  the  numbers  37  and  35,  respectively.  These  represent  the 
number  of  lines  in  the  column.  At  the  close  of  the  text,  on  the  sixth  column, 
is  written  [1] 90  mu-bi  “lines”  which,  doubtless,  represent  the  number  on  both 
sides  of  the  tablet.  In  the  middle  of  this,  the  last  column,  is  written  Til-la 
dN  i s a b a u dH  a-n  i,  which  throws  welcome  light  on  a well  known  legal  term 
di-til-la,  frequently  found  as  the  first  word  of  Sumerian  legal  decisions.  The 
former  is  written, however,  with  the  sign  TI  = til,  while  the  latter  is  written  with 
the  sign  BE  = til.  Di-til-la  has  been  translated  “judgement  complet,”  “sen- 
tence definitive,”  “affaire  reglee,”  etc.,  which  meanings  have  been  based  upon 
the  ideograms  DI  or  sa  “decision”  and  t i 1-1  a = gamru  “complete.”  As  the 
documents  are  legal  decisions,  one  would  expect  the  phrase  to  mean  rather 
“decision  of  law.”  That  this  is  the  meaning  of  til-la  is  proved  by  the  sen- 
tence from  the  new  code,  quoted  above,  namely,  Til-la  dN i s a b a u dH a-n i 
“law  of  Nisaba  and  Hani.”  The  fact  is  BE  lias  also  the  value  tertu  “law,” 
“revelation,”  “omen,”  cf.  HAR-BE  = ter-tum  sa  ha-se-e,  R II,  27 :46  c.  In  the 
Hammurabi  Code,  as  is  known,  the  laws  kinatim  are  communicated  to  the  law- 
giver by  the  god  Shamash ; and  in  the  Old  Testament  by  Jawa. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  name  of  the  goddess  precedes  that  of  her 
consort.  Just  what  significance  is  to  be  attached  to  this,  and  especially  for  the 
early  Sumerian  period,  cannot  be  discussed  here.  Nisaba  lias  already  been 
regarded  as  the  “patroness  of  writing”  (Thureau-Dangin  RA  VII,  p.  110). 
Hani  bears  the  title  be-lum  ku-nu-uk  “lord  of  the  seal”  (Reissner  Hymnen 
50:8) ; and  ilu  sa  hdupsarruti  “god  of  the  scribes”  ( Shurpu  11:175).  We  are, 
therefore  prepared  to  learn  from  this  document  that  Nisaba  and  Hani  were 
“goddess  and  god  of  laws”  in  the  ancient  period. 

Hani1  apparently  is  an  importation  from  the  West,  probably  from  an 

ldHani  occurs  in  the  name  Ur-dHa-ni  of  the  Ur  dynasty,  Pinches  Amherst  Tablets, 
119 : 3,  in  dHa-ni-ra-bi  in  the  First  dynasty,  Ranke  Personal  Names,  p.  86 ; in  the  Cassite 
period,  e.  g.,  Ha-ni-be-el-ga-as-si,  see  Clay  PN,  p.  175 , Bir-Ha-a-nu,  Johns  Doomsday  Book, 


20 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


Aramaean  or  Hittite  region,  which  in  connection  with  the  question  of  the  origin 
of  this  code,  and  the  original  home  of  the  Sumerians,  seems  important  and  sig- 
nificant. It  is  unfortunate  that  the  colophon  lias  been  injured,  for  it  probably 
would  have  given  the  date,  and  have  shown  to  what  series  the  tablet  belonged. 
The  transliteration  and  translation  of  the  laws  follow. 


FIRST  LAW. 


T u k u n d i-b  i 

du mu-sal  gain  zag-an-us 
g a r s a g-g  a-n  i 
a-i  ln-s  u b-s  u b 

5 10  g i n k ii-b  a b a r n i-1  a 1-e 


If  (a  man) 

jostle  the  daughter  of  a man, 

(and)  the  possession  of  her  interior 
make  let  fall, 

he  shall  pay  10  shekels  of  silver. 


SKC'OXD  LAW. 


T u k u ii  d i-b  i 

dumu-sal  gain  ba-an-sig 
gar  s a g-g  a-n  i 
a-i  m-r  u-r  u 

10  1/3  m a k u-1 » a b a r n i-1  a 1-e 


If  (a  man) 

strike  the  daughter  of  a man, 

(and)  the  possession  of  her  interior 
make  let  fall, 

ho  shall  pay  1/3  of  a mine  of  silver. 


T u k u n d i-b  i 
kas  dug-ga-ni 
1 u 1-r  i-b  a 1 

m a gur  gu-ba-an-de 
15  e li-n  a ma-e-ne 


THIRD  LAW. 

If  (a  man) 

in  the  undertaking  of  his  mission 
get  into  difficulty, 
and  let  the  ship  perish, 
the  lord  of  ships 


VII  :1,  etc.  Cf.  also  Weber  in  Knudtzon  Amarna,  p.  1099;  Ranke  Keil&cJiriftliches 
Materials,  p.  9 ; and  Tallqvist  APN,  p.  85.  dGir  is  the  consort  of  dNisaba,  in  the  Urra 
myth,  KB  VI,  p.  70:33. 

Annotations:  2.  The  word  zag-us  seems  to  be  composed  of  za g = itu  “side”, 
and  ns  — emeclu  “to  stand”,  perhaps  = sabatu  “to  seize.”  Since  the  writer  published 
an  extract  of  these  laws,  OLZ  1914,  Langdon  has  discussed  this  compound,  see  OLZ  1914, 
Col.  417. 

13.  The  compound  lul-ri-bal  seems  to  be  composed  of  \~a\  = kuru  “distress,” 
“ri”  = “to  bring,”  and  bal  = eberu  “to  pass  over.”  The  rendition  “to  get  into 
difficulty,”  seems  to  fit  the  context. 

14.  The  expression  gur  gu-b  a-a-n-d  e,  cf.  the  same  word  in  line  71,  where  it  is 
used  in  connection  with  gud,  seems  to  mean  “to  let  perish.’  Clur  has  the  value 
sakapu  “to  overthrow, ” u-g u-d e = abatu  (B  8792)  “to  flee,”  and  lialaqu  CT  19, 13  : lab 
“to  be  destroyed.” 


PROTOTYPE  OF  THE  HAMMURABI  CODE 


21 


id-bi  ba-ma-ta 
n a m-1  u g a 1-1  a-a-n  i-s  u 
n i-a  g-e 


shall  determine  its  value 
(and)  to  his  lordship 
lie  shall  pay.  ' 


FOURTH  LAW. 


T u k u n d i-b  i 

20  en  ad-da-ni  h ama-ni 
nu  ad-da-mu 
nu  ama-mu 
b a-a  n-d  u g 


If  (a  son) 

unto  his  father  and  his  mother, 
not  my  father, 
not  my  mother, 
say, 


e a-sag  gis-sar 
25  nit ah-nit ah  nig  amar-ra 
i b-t  a-e-a 
u nigin-bi 
s a m-t  i 1-1  a-a-n  i-s  u 
i n-n  a-a  b-s  u m-m  u 
30  ad-da-ni  u ama-ni 
n u d u m u-m  u-m  e s 
b a-a  n-n  a-  [a  n]  -d  u g 
u b-e-t  aba  r-r  a-e-a 


from  the  house,  field,  plantation, 

servants,  property,  animals, 

he  shall  go  forth; 

and  his  portion, 

to  its  full  amount, 

he  (the  father)  shall  give  him. 

His  father  and  his  mother, 
not  our  son 
shall  say  to  him; 

from  the  neighborhood  of  the  house  he 
shall  go. 


T u k u n d i-b  i 
35  ad-da-ni 
u ama-ni 
n u d u m u-m  u-m  e s 
[ . . . ] u r u 
[i  b]  -t  a-e-a 


FIFTH  LAW. 

If  (to  a son) 
his  father 
and  his  mother, 
not  our  child  (say), 
[from  the]  city 
he  shall  go  forth. 


16.  Ma-ta,  according  to  the  context,  .should  mean  “to  determine,”  and  this  is  borne 
out  by  the  fact  that  m a has  the  value  nabu,  and  ta  the  value  minu  number  (B  3958)  ; 
cf.  also  t a-a-a  n = minu  B 3969. 

27.  In  UMBS  V 102,  11:4  ni-mi-en(nigin)  = e-gi-e-rum.  According  to  Pinches 
JRAS  1894,  830,  23  hab  has  the  value  ig-rum,  see  Meissner,  SAI  under  7637.  In 
Meissner  AP  97:17;  and  98 : 23,  h a-1  a is  used  for  the  portion  in  a somewhat  similar 
sense. 

31.  D u m u-m  u-m  e s,  see  also  line  37,  is  a new  way  of  writing  the  suffix,  first 
person  plural ; cf.  M u-u  1-1  i 1-m  u-m  u,  Langdon  SBP  98,  note  1. 


90 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


40  T u k u n d i-b  i 

d u in  u-s  a ] gal  u e-s  i r-r  a 
e im-g'i 
a d-d  a-n  i 
ii  ama-ni 
45  n u b a-a  n-z  u-n  a 
k a-a  r-e  s-i  d 

n a in  a d-n  i u a in  a-n  i 
n i-d  u g-e 

a d-d  a-n  i 
50  u ama-ni 

n a 111-d  a m-n  i-s  u 
i li-n  a-a  U-s  u m-m  a 


SIXTH  LAW. 

If  (a  man) 

entice  away  the  daughter  of  a man, 
(and)  the  home-transgressor 
had  not  known  (or  consulted) 
her  father 
and  her  mother, 

be  shall  declare  (or  acknowledge) 
the  house  violating  price  (or  penalty), 
the  decision  of  her  father  and  her 
mother ; 
her  father 
and  her  mother 
for  marriage 
shall  give  her  to  him. 


SEVENTH  LAW. 


T u k u n d i-b  i 

d u m u-s  a 1 g a 1 u e-g  i d-d  a 
55  e im-gi 
a d-d  a-n  i 
ii  ama-ni 
b a-a  n-z  u-n  a 
gain  e im-gi 
GO  i n-z  u i n-k  u r 


If  (a  man) 

abduct  the  daughter  of  a man, 

(and)  the  house-usurper 

had  known  (or  consulted) 

her  father 

and  her  mother, 

the  house-usurper 

was  cognisant ; he  is  guilty ; 


41.  BTJ  has  the  value  saldpu  “to  draw,”  “pull  out,”  sadadu  “to  draw,  pull,” 
hence  “to  entice,”  or  “seduce.”  In  the  syllabary  published  by  Thureau-Dangin 
BA  9,  p.  79,  1:25  BJJ  = s i-i  r = za-na-a-qum  = sandqu.  Apparently  saldpu  and  sadadu 
also  = s i r. 

42.  E-im-gi  seems  to  mean  “home  transgressor.”  King  translated  lugal  im-gi 
“the  usurping  king.”  Chronicles  II,  p.  52;  see  also  Zimmern  ZA  XXV,  p.  199;  and 
Weidner  OLZ  1914,  Col.  501.  The  latter  makes  GI  = takdlu.  It  would  seem  rather  to 
be  equivalent  to  sabdtu  or  ekemu  “to  seize.”  E-im-gi  probably  means  literally  “to  take 
forcibly  the  house.” 

45.  Although  the  second  character  in  the  line  is  zu,  it  apparently  was  intended 
for  ba,  as  in  line  58.  It  would  seem  from  the  syllable  na  that  zun  is  the  fuller  form 
of  the  verb. 

46.  K a-a  r-e  s-i  d perhaps  composed  of  kar  = ekemu  “to  take”  or  masa’u  “to 
plunder”  (SAI  5721),  es  = bitu,  and  id  — idu  “compensation.” 

54.  GIT)  lias  such  values  as  nasdhu  “to  tear  out,”  and  sabdtu  “to  seize.” 


PROTOTYPE  OF  THE  HAMMURABI  CODE 


23 


e dingir-r  a-e(  ?) 
in-r  [a] 


by  the  decision  of  the  god 
he  shall  die. 


EIGHTH  LAW. 


T u k 11  n d i-b  i 
g u d li  i g i li-n  a 


If 

an  ox  of  a fold 
a lion  devour, 
an  equivalent 
for  its  life 

he  shall  receive  credit. 


65  ur-mah  e-kii-e 
g a b-r  i 

n a in  t i n-1  a-n  i-s  u 
i b-r  i-t  u g 


NINTH  LAW. 


T u k u n d i-b  i 


If 

an  ox  of  a fold 
be  let  perish, 
ox  like  ox 
[he  shall  give.] 


70  gud  nigin-na 

g u d g u r-g  u-b  a-a  n-d  e 
gud  gud  kim 
[ni-ag-e] 


The  First  and  Second  Laws  are  related.  They  refer  to  the  accidental  and 
intentional  injury  of  a woman  with  child.  These  two  laws  are  condensed  into 
one  in  the  Hammurabi  Code,  namely  §209,  which  reads:  “If  a man  strike  the 
daughter  of  a man,  and  cause  a miscarriage,  he  shall  pay  ten  shekels  of  silver 
for  that  which  is  of  her  interior.”  The  penalty,  namely  10  shekels,  is  taken 
from  the  first  of  the  new  Sumerian  Code,  in  which  accidental  injury  is  legislated 
upon;  but  the  act,  im-ha-as-ma,  “striking  with  intentional  injury,”  is  taken 
from  the  second  in  the  present  Code,  where  the  act  is  expressed  by  b a-a  n-s  i g ; 
and,  as  will  be  noticed,  is  more  severely  dealt  with,  the  penalty  being  1/3  of  a 
mine  (=20  shekels).  The  Hammurabi  Code  legislates  also  in  case  death  results 
from  the  injury.  §210  requires  that  the  offender’s  daughter  be  put  to  death. 

In  the  Sumerian  Code  there  is  no  distinction  as  regards  the  station  of  life 
of  the  injured.  In  the  Hammurabi  Code  provision  is  made  not  only  for  the 

61.  The  final  character  has  been  injured.  The  traces,  however,  could  be  e = asu. 
The  meaning  “decision  of  the  deity”  for  e-d  i n g i r-r  a-e,  would  seem  to  fit  the  context. 

62.  The  traces  appear  to  indicate  that  ra  stood  in  the  text.  This  would  correspond 
to  the  usually  found  iddak  in  the  Hammurabi  Code. 

64.  The  form  of  the  sign  nigtn-na  apparently  is  archaic.  The  meaning 
tarbasim  = fold,  cf.  §265  of  the  Hammurabi  Code,  is  proposed  because  of  values  like 
lamu,  Sahara,  etc, 

68.  Ri-tug  may  be  composed  of  ri  = abalu  and  t u g = rasu. 

71.  On  gur  g u-b  a-a  n-d  e cf.  ma  gur  g u-b  a-a  n-d  e,  line  14. 


24 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


daughter  of  a man  in  the  upper  class,  or  a nobleman,  but  also  for  the  daughter 
of  a plebeian,  and  the  female  slave.  The  penalty  in  the  case  of  the  miscarriage 
of  a woman  in  the  middle  station  of  life  is,  5 shekels  (§211)  ; and  30  shekels, 
if  death  results  (§212).  In  the  case  of  the  slave,  the  penalty  is  2 shekels 
(§213)  ; and  20  shekels,  if  it  results  in  death  (§214). 

The  Third  Law  covers  the  case  of  the  loss  of  a hired  boat  through  careless- 
ness. The  owner  of  the  boat  is  to  be  refunded  his  loss.  In  §236,  the  Ham- 
murabi Code  deals  with  the  loss  of  the  boat,  and  in  §237  the  boat  and  cargo. 
The  penalties  are  similar.  In  case  the  boat  was  refloated,  the  penalty  was  half 
its  value,  see  §238.  The  Hammurabi  Code  also  legislates  in  the  case  of  one 
being  responsible  for  a disaster,  by  running  into  another.  Full  reparation  was 
the  penalty,  see  §240. 

The  Fourth  Law  legislates  with  reference  to  the  son,  who  renounces  his 
sonsliip,  receives  his  wages  or  portion,  after  which  lie  leaves  his  home,  and  is 
thereafter  legally  separated  from  the  family.  The  Sumerian  Family  Laws, 
which  have  been  handed  down  with  an  Assyrian  version,  deals  apparently  with 
a rebellious  son,  for  he  was  branded,  put  into  fetters,  and  sold  as  a slave.  The 
Fifth  Law,  though  less  severe,  parallels  these  laws  of  unfilial  conduct.  The 
present  law  apparently  deals  with  a child  who  is  in  good  standing  with  his 
family,  but  who  desires  to  venture  upon  a separate  career.  It  is  quite  reason- 
aide  to  assume  that  in  some  cases  among  an  agrarian  or  nomadic  people  such  a 
separation  may  even  have  been  suggested  by  the  patriarchial  head  of  the  family, 
due  to  limited  conditions,  or  on  account  of  many  other  reasons.  In  short,  it 
does  not  necessarily  imply  unfilial  conduct.  The  child  may  have  a family  of 
liis  own,  and  wished  “to  provide  for  his  own  house.” 

What  the  portion  was,  is  not  stated.  The  cuneiform  sign  NIGIN,  used  in 
the  law  meant  to  “hire.”  As  a substantive,  it  means  “hire”  or  “wage” 
(see  note  under  line  27).  The  amount  may  have  depended  upon  the  years  of 
service,  or  upon  the  will  of  the  parents.  In  such  communities  it  is  reasonable  to 
imagine  that  the  portion  of  a son  who  just  arrived  at  manhood  would  be  less 
than  that  of  one,  who  together  with  liis  own  family  of  grown  children,  had 
faithfully  served  the  paternal  estate  for  years.  The  Hammurabi  Code  in  pro- 
viding for  an  adopted  child  whom  the  father  desires  to  cut  off,  requires  that 
“he  give  him  of  his  goods  one-third  of  the  portion  of  a son,  and  he  shall  go. 
He  shall  not  give  to  him  of  field,  garden,  or  house.”  This  would  imply  that 
the  portion  or  share  referred  to  differed  from  that  which  the  child  would  receive 
as  an  inheritance. 


PROTOTYPE  OP  THE  HAMMURABI  CODE 


25 


As  is  well  known,  adoption  deeds  have  been  found,  belonging  to  the  same 
era,  i.  e.,  the  First  dynasty,  which  quote  the  Sumerian  Family  Laws,  above 
referred  to,  literally.  Also  several  adoption  deeds,  provide  that  in  case  parents 
wished  to  repudiate  an  adopted  child,  they  were  required  to  give  him  his  por- 
tion before  sending  him  away.  To  quote  from  one  of  the  known  adoption  deeds, 
“If  Iltani  or  Ninat-Sin  say  to  Mar-Ishtar,  their  son,  ‘thou  art  not  our  son,’  he 
shall  receive  his  portion  as  the  children  of  Iltani  and  Ninat-Sin,  and  go  away.”1 

Both  the  Hammurabi  Code  and  these  deeds  refer  to  the  portion  of  adopted 
children;  and  only  in  case  the  foster-parents  wished  to  repudiate  them.  The 
newly  discovered  Sumerian  Code  bearing  upon  the  wage  or  portion,  refers  to 
the  action  taken  by  the  child ; and  there  is  no  distinction  made  whether  he  was 
an  adopted  or  a real  child.  All  these  facts  point  to  different  codes  among  the 
Sumerians,  the  culture  of  whose  city-principalities  was  probably  as  distinct  as 
that  of  our  states  at  the  present  time. 

The  law  under  consideration  shows  that  a child  who  renounced  his  sonship, 
and  received  his  portion,  was  legally  separated  by  his  parents.  This  legal 
banishment  was  a provision  of  the  greatest  importance.  It  was  prudential  in 
character;  although  it  was  also,  doubtless,  a source  of  relief  in  certain  cases. 
The  son  who  took  this  step  knew  that  legally  he  had  no  further  claim  upon  the 
estate.  This  provision  annulled  the  law  which  provided  a share  in  the  estate  for 
the  son  after  the  death  of  the  father.  It  also  protected  the  parents  from  any 
further  demands.  If  the  portion  was  squandered,  the  son  could  not  legally 
impose  upon  them.  It  was  also  a wise  provision  in  the  interests  of  the  other 
children.  They  were  really  party  to  the  division  which  had  been  made.  This 
law  protected  their  interest  in  the  estate  which  they  and  perhaps  their  own 
children,  were  helping  to  build  up.  It  was  a necessary  accompaniment  to  a 
law  that  provided  for  a son’s  patrimony,  and  also  for  his  securing  his  portion 
during  the  life  time  of  his  father. 

The  tenacity  of  custom  among  the  peoples  of  Western  Asia,  which  is 
known  in  many  instances  to  have  survived  for  millenniums,  suggests  the  idea 
that  this  law  throws  light  on  the  parable  of  the  prodigal  son  (Luke  15:11).  In 
accomplishing  his  purpose,  the  son  in  the  parable,  does  not  make  a request,  but 
rather  a demand:  “father  give  me  the  portion  of  substance  that  falleth  to  me.” 
The  word  translated  “portion”  (^pos)  is  no  more  definite  than  it  is  in  the  codes 
and  deeds,  referred  to  above.  “And  he  divided  unto  them  the  living,  ( tov  piov) ;” 

1 Meissner  Altbabylonischen  Privatrecht,  97  : 12  f. 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


26 

after  which,  it  is  said  of  the  son  that  ‘‘lie  gathered  all  together  and  took  his 
journey  into  a far  country.”  And  in  his  dire  extremity  after  he  had  squan- 
dered his  portion,  knowing  that  he  was  legally  dead  as  a son,  he  decides  that 
his  lot  would  be  better  if  he  were  one  of  his  father’s  hired  servants.  He  knew 
that  he  had  no  right  to  ask  his  father  for  more  than  this.  Upon  his  return, 
his  brother,  who  was  the  sole  beneficiary,  and  who,  as  the  parable  shows,  had 
been  most  economical  in  his  efforts  to  build  up  the  estate,  naturally  showed 
anxiety  as  to  wliat  his  father  intended  doing.  Whereupon,  his  father,  in 
addressing  him,  called  him retcvov,  “born  child,”  and  reminded  him  that  all  that 
he  had  was  his,  but,  nevertheless,  it  was  meet  to  rejoice  over  the  return  of  his 
brother,  who  though  legally  dead  was  still  his  own  son.  This  legal  aspect  of 
the  parable  does  not  seem  to  have  been  surmised  by  the  commentators.  It 
heightens  the  contrast  between  the  father,  who,  on  the  one  hand,  complied  with 
what  the  law  permitted  the  son  to  demand;  and  on  the  other  hand,  the  forgiving 
father,  who  rejoiced  over  his  return,  not  as  a legal  heir,  but  as  a real  son. 

The  Fifth  Law  is  paralleled  by  the  third  and  fourth  in  the  Family  Laws, 
above  referred  to ; which,  as  stated,  are  quoted  in  the  adoption  deeds  that  have 
been  handed  down.  But  while  in  substance  they  are  the  same,  the  present  law 
is  much  briefer,  and  the  language  is  quite  distinct. 

The  Sixth  Law  covers  the  case  of  elopement.  As  we  know  from  the 
Hammurabi  Code,  the  Old  Testament,  and  Oriental  custom  at  the  present  time, 
the  parents  were  the  chief  contracting  parties  in  the  marriage  of  their  children. 
Section  128  of  the  Hammurabi  Code  reads:  “If  a man  has  taken  a wife  and  lias 
not  executed  a marriage  contract,  that  woman  is  not  his  wife.”  The  present 
Sumerian  law  regards  the  man  who  has  taken  the  girl  as  a “home  usurper.” 
If  he  had  not  consulted  the  parents  of  the  girl,  a penalty  or  price  was  imposed; 
and  after  his  assent  to  it,  the  girl  was  given  to  him  in  wedlock.  Doubtless,  the 
penalty  or  price  was  regarded  as  the  terhatu  “bride  price;”  and  formed  the 
basis  of  the  contract,  which  was  then  drawn  up.  In  many  such  cases,  the  young 
man  having  little  or  no  means,  doubtless  simply  assented  to  the  amount  speci- 
fied. Even  at  the  present  time  in  Syria  the  amount  paid  and  given  to  the  girl, 
which  with  a like  sum  from  her  father,  forms  her  dowry  when  the  contract  is 
made,  may  only  be  a portion  of  what  is  agreed  upon.  The  balance  of  the  price 
is  paid  to  the  wife  in  the  event  of  a divorce. 

The  Seventh  Law  covers  the  case  where  a man  lias  enticed  away,  seduced 
or  abducted  a girl,  after  her  parents  had  refused  to  give  her  to  him  in  marriage ; 
the  penalty  for  which  was  death.  This  law  is  a natural  accompaniment  to  the 


PROTOTYPE  OF  THE  HAMMURABI  CODE 


27 


Sixth  Law,  and  shows  the  absolute  mastery  of  parents  in  the  possession  of  their 
children.  This  law  is  not  directly  paralleled  by  the  Hammurabi  Code  or  the 
Mosaic  legislation.  The  nearest  approach  in  the  Hammurabi  Code  to  it  seems 
to  he  §130:  “If  a man  force  the  wife  (betrothed)  of  another,  and  who  has  not 
known  a male,  and  who  resides  in  her  father’s  house,  and  lies  in  her  bosom,  and 
they  take  him;  that  man  shall  be  put  to  death;  the  woman  shall  go  free.” 

The  Eighth  Law  dealing  with  the  killing  of  a hired  ox  by  a wild  beast  is 
paralleled  by  §266  of  the  Hammurabi  Code:  “If  in  a fold  there  is  a visitation 
of  god,  or  a lion  kill,  the  shepherd  shall  purge  himself  before  god,  and  the  owner 
of  the  fold  shall  bear  the  loss  of  the  fold.”  See  also  §244. 

The  Ninth  Law  is  paralleled  by  one  which  follows,  namely  §267:  “If  a 
shepherd  is  careless  and  cause  a loss  in  the  fold,  the  shepherd  who  is  respon- 
sible for  the  loss  which  occurred  in  the  fold,  shall  make  good  in  oxen  and  sheep, 
and  pay  to  their  owner.”  Compare  also  §245. 

A word  should  be  added  concerning  the  antiquity  of  the  tablet.  Unfortu- 
nately, it  is  not  dated.  There  are  features  in  the  script,  which  point  to  an 
antiquity  greater  than  that  of  the  Hammurabi  Code.  But  it  would  be  hazardous 
to  base  much  on  the  palaeography  of  this  era  in  this  connection.  The  fact  that 
the  Sumerian  laws  are  quoted  so  extensively  in  the  contracts  before  Hammu- 
rabi’s time,  would  prove  that  they  belong  to  an  earlier  period.  The  absence  of 
grades  in  society  and  the  primitive  form  of  expression,  point  to  an  earlier  era. 
But  especially  striking  in  this  connection  is  the  condensation  of  the  two  laws 
into  one,  found  in  the  Hammurabi  Code,  and  the  enlargement  of  the  legislation 
in  the  latter,  to  embrace  the  three  grades  of  society,  that  had  come  to  be 
recognized. 

No.  29.  Inscribed  Votive  Object. 

The  fragment  of  a lime-stone  object  which  contains  this  inscription  had  a 
square  hole  cut  in  the  centre.  It  had  a raised  border,  and  its  general  appear- 
ance is  not  unlike  a fragment  published  by  Thureau-Dangin  BA  IX,  p.  73,  which 
also  had  a similar  border,  and  apparently  a square  hole.  The  latter  is  said  to 
have  been  discovered  at  Jokha.  It  is  not  known  where  the  present  text  was 
found. 

The  text  reads:  “.  . . has  appointed;  the  gracious  hero;  for  Nin-sun, 
his  goddess ; her  E-uru-azagga,  he  built ; for  the  god  Zazaru  . . . ; for  the  god 
Ur-nun-ta-e-a,  son  of  Ningirsu,  his  E-uru-azagga  he  built;  for  the  goddess 
Nin-Mar,  the  gracious  lady,  the  qa-ab-bahe  appointed.” 


28 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


No.  30.  Inscription  op  Sin-iribam. 

The  inscription  reading  “one  talent  weight,  palace  of  Sin-iribam”,  is  from 
a fragment  of  a diorite  stone  object  which  apparently  had  been  mutilated  in 
order  to  reduce  it  in  size  for  transportation  purposes.  What  the  shape  of  the 
weight  was  cannot  be  determined  from  the  fragment. 

Sin-iribam  is  doubtless  the  king  hitherto  known  only  from  the  date  of  a 
document  published  by  Scheil  OLZ  VIII,  p.  351,  which  is  now  No.  1905  in  the 
collection  of  Mr.  J.  P.  Morgan.  The  dynasty  to  which  the  ruler  belonged,  how- 
ever, could  not  be  ascertained.  The  new  dynastic  tablet,  see  Text  No.  32,  shows 
that  Sin-iribam  was  the  tenth  ruler  of  Larsa.  There  are  also  several  contracts 
in  the  Yale  Collection  dated  in  the  reign  of  this  king. 


No.  31.  Votive  Cone  of  Warad-Sin. 

The  following  Sumerian  inscription  is  found  encircling  an  unusually  large 
terra-cotta  cone,  dedicated  by  Warad-Sin  to  the  goddess  Innina.  It  is  also 
repeated  on  the  bottom  of  its  base.  It  is  a petition  for  favor  on  account  of  the 


pious  acts  of  the.  king ; among  other 
temple  Esliusegga,  which  later  was  e 

dN  i n n i 

n in  n i-gal  il-lu 
isib  sar-ra  tab-ba 
d u m u-g  a 1 tVE  n-z  ii-n  a 
5 n i n-a-n  i-i  r 
W a r a d-dE  n-z  u 
n u use  g-g  a N i b r uki 
u- a U r iki-m  a 
sag  1 i-t  a r G i r-s  uki 
10  ki  SlR-BUR-LAki-a 
E-bab bar-da  ni-te-ga 
1 u g a 1 A r a rki-m  a 


things  is  mentioned  the  restoration  of  the 
nlarged  by  his  brother  Rim-Sin.1 

To  Innina, 

the  exalted  lady  of  splendor, 
priestess  of  the  double  host, 
the  eldest  daughter  of  the  god  Sin, 
his  lady, 

Warad-Sin, 

the  favorite  prince  of  Nippur, 
the  adorner  of  the  city  Ur, 
the  overseer  of  Girsu 
and  Shipurla, 

who  is  revered  in  Ebabbar, 
king  of  Larsa, 


1 Cf.  Price,  “Literary  Remains  of  Rim-Sin”,  Decennial  Publications,  University  of 
Chicago,  p.  15. 

Annotations:  2.  Ni-gal-la  — namrirri,  cf.  B 8455,  etc.  Delitzsch  translates 
“schrechen”,  Glossar,  p.  199.  The  meaning  “splendor,”  from  namaru  “to  shine,” 
seems  more  appropriate. 

11.  On  ni-t e-ga(da),  see  Delitzsch  Glossar,  p.  199. 


VOTIVE  CONE  OF  WARAD-SIN 


29 


1 u g a 1 k i-E  n-g  i k i-IJ  r i 
dun-cla  ag-ga  gur-gur 
15  gis-kin  s u-d  u-d  u 
e d i n g i r-r  i-e-n  e 
sii-bil  ne-in-ag 
u l’u du  alam  gal-gal 
m u-p  a d-d  a n a m-1  u g a 1-1  a-k  a-: 
20  gal-bi  n e-i  n-1  a lj-g  a 
uru  s u b-s  u b-b  a-b  i 
b a d-b  i h ii-m  u-d  u-a 
m a-d  a d a g a 1-1  a-n  a 
k a la  g-b  i h a-n  e-i  n-k  u-a 
25  ni-tug  sag-ka  gal 

erim  su-a-ge-ge-a  me-en 
gis-t  ug-pi  dagal 
kin-da  uru  dim-me-ne 
dE  n-k  i-g  a m a-a  n-s  u m-m  a 
30  n a m-b  i-s  u dN  i n n i n i n-g  a 
k a-s  a g-s  a g-g  i-d  a-g  a 
e-g  i r-n  a 

ki-dur  im-rig-bu 
sag  h u 1-1  a-k  a-n  i 
35  igi-du  libir-ne 
sag-bi  mu-si 
d i r i g u d-b  i-d  a-k  a 
E-sfi-s  e(g)-ga-bi 
ii-m  u-d  a g a 1 
40  u d-d  u-s  u 

n a m-t  i ( 1 ) -m  u-s  ii  h u-m  u-d  fi 

s a g-b  i m u-n  i-i  1 

li  a r-s  a g-d  i m h u-m  u-s  a r 


king  of  Sumer  and  Accad, 
the  beloved  lord  of  the  harvest (?), 
who  fulfills  the  command  (or  oracle), 
who  the  temple  of  the  gods 
built  anew, 

who  a colossal  copper  statue 
a of  her  ladyship  had  made, 
who  restored  its  greatness 
to  her  overturned  city, 
who  truly  built  its  wall, 
who,  her  widespread  land 
greatly  caused  to  lie  inhabited, 
exalted  of  heart,  who  is 
the  warrior  who  turns  them  back,  am  I ; 
to  whom  a wide  understanding 
for  the  conduct  of  the  city’s  affairs 
Ea  has  given ; 
for  the  sake  of  Innina, 
the  merciful  lady, 
her  house  of  splendor, 
the  awe-inspiring  dwelling 
of  her  .joyous  heart, 
according  to  its  old  appearances, 
its  interior  I filled  with  light. 

More  than  before, 

her  E-sliu-seg-ga 

I enlarged, 

for  the  future, 

for  my  life,  I did  build. 

Its  head  I reared  high; 
like  a mountain  I did  raise. 


17.  Su-bil  apparently  = essis;  cf.  su-gal  u m u-e-n i-d u = rabis  suklilma,  CT 
XVII,  31 : 34  and  35. 

22.  H u-m  u-d  u-a  shows  that  the  cohortative,  usually  written  ha  or  ga  (cf.  lines  24, 
46,  and  50),  is  also  written  hu,  apparently  influenced  by  the  vowel  which  follows.  Cf. 
also  lj  u-m  u-d  u (line  41)  and  h u-m  u-s  a r (line  43). 

24.  L i g-n  e,  perhaps  1 i g-b  i,  usually  1 i g-b  i = dannis. 

25.  Can  gal  be  the  relative  for  galu? 


M ISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


30 


nig-  a g-a g-d a-n e-e-s u 
•15  dN  i n 11  i n i n-m  u 
h a-m  a-i  g i-d  1 m 
ud  g ld-du  m u-li  e-g  a 1-1  a 
a s-t  e s u li  u s-g  i-n  a 
s i g-u  k u g a m-g  a m 
50  s a g-e-e  s h a-m  a-n  i-i  n-p  a-t  u k-d  u 


Upon  these  brilliant  doings 
may  Innina,  my  lady, 
look. 

An  abundant  length  of  days, 
a well-established  throne, 
a putting  down  of  uprisings, 
may  she  as  a gift  bestow  upon  me, 


No.  32.  The  Larsa  Dynastic  List. 

The  discovery  of  the  Larsa  dynastic  tablet  at  the  ruins  of  Senkereh,  the 
ancient  city  of  Larsa,  makes  it  possible  to  determine  a number  of  very  impor- 
tant historical  and  chronological  questions  in  early  Babylonian  history,  which 
have  been  discussed  frequently  by  scholars  during  the  past  few  years. 

Seven  kings  have  heretofore  been  known  as  rulers  of  Larsa,  namely 
Grmgunu,  Abisare,  Sumu-ilu,  Nur-Immer,  Sin-idinnam,  Warad-Sin,  and  Rim- 
Sin.  The  name  of  another  king  was  known  from  a single  dated  document, 
namely,  Sin-iribam,  but  not  the  dynasty  to  which  he  belonged.  The  new  list 
from  Larsa  gives  fourteen  rulers,  followed  by  Hammurabi  and  Sin-muballit. 
1-lu-ni,  recently  introduced  as  a new  king  of  Larsa  (cf.  Sclieil  OLZ  1914,  col. 
246,  and  Poebel,  UMBS  IV,  p.  96),  for  which  there  does  not  seem  to  be  proof, 
as  well  as  Nu-ur-Samas  (Poebel  ibid)  are  not  found  in  the  list. 

The  tablet  contained  the  same  inscription  on  both  sides,  but  with  the  excep- 
tion of  a few  characters  on  the  reverse,  which  are  most  important  in  restoring 
some  on  the  obverse,  that  side  of  the  tablet  is  broken  away.  The  numbers  on 
the  obverse  also  have  suffered,  yet  with  the  help  of  the  total  number  of  years, 
and  what  remains  on  the  reverse,  practically  the  entire  text  can  be  restored. 
Following  is  a transliteration  based  on  both  sides  of  the  tablet  : 

21  m u N a-a  p-1  a-n  u-u  m 
28  mu  E-m i-su 
35  m u S a-m  u-u  m 
9 mu  Za-ba-aia 

44.  Nig-a g = epistu;  cf.  nig-ag-mu-su  “upon  my  doing,”  CT  I,  46:12. 

46.  Igi-dim  apparently  is  equivalent  to  natalu  “to  look”. 

48.  As-te  is  here  a substitute  for  gis  gu-za,  as  also  in  an  inscription  of  Warad- 
Sin  VAB  I,  p.  214d  .17.  As  or  d i 1 i has  the  value  zikaru,  gitmalu,  etc.  Te  = emedu, 
sakanu,  etc. 

49.  Sig-uku  apparently  means  nabalkattu  “rebellion.” 


THE  LARSA  DYNASTIC  LIST 


31 


27  mu  G u-u n-g u-n u-u m 

11  m u A-b  i-s  a-r  i-e 

29  m u S u-m  u-i-1  u 

16  m u N u-u  r-aI  m m e r 
7 ( ? ) m u dS  i n-i-d  i n-n  a m 
2 mu  dS  i n-i-r  i-b  a-a  m 
6(f)  mu  dS  i n-i-q i-s  a-a m 
1 mu  Sili(li)-dImmer 

12  mu  Warad-dSin 

61  mu  dRi-irii-dSin 

12  ( ? ) m u dH  a-a  m-m  u-r  a-b  i 

12  mu  S a-a m-s u-i-1  u-na  lugal 
289  mu-bi 

The  new  Larsa  list  does  not  begin  with  Gungunu,  who  has  hitherto  been  sup- 
posed to  have  been  the  founder  of  the  dynasty,  but  with  Naplanum,  who  ruled 
21  years.  Sa-mu-um  is  probably  foreign,  as  the  rest  of  the  first  five  names 
seem  to  be,  though  this  and  some  of  the  others  might  lie  explained  as  Semitic. 
If  Samum  is  not  foreign,  it  may  be  an  abbreviation  for  a name  like  Sa-mu-la-ilu, 
usually  written  Sumu-la-ilu  (cf.  Ranke  PN  p.  141). 

Attention  should  be  called  to  what  appears  to  the  writer  to  be  a superfluous 
line  in  the  second  character  of  the  text,  in  the  fourth  name,  Zci-ba-aia.  It  is  not 
impossible  that  Za-ba-aia  is  a shorter  form  of  Zambia  or  Zanbia  (=Zabbia  = 
Zabia ),  the  name  which  a ruler  bears  belonging  to  the  Nisin  dynasty. 

Gungunu,  the  fifth  ruler,  is  known  from  two  bricks  and  a cone  found  at 
Mugheir  (VAB  I,  p.  206).  Scheil  has  also  published  a date,  “The  year  in  which 
Gungunu  died.”  (BT  XXI,  125.) 

Abi-sare,  the  sixth  king,  is  represented  by  several  tablets  from  Oheimir 
(Scheil,  BT  34,  p.  6) ; and  in  CT  33:50.  Johns  published  the  name  of  a king 
from  a tablet  which  passed  through  his  hands  (a  very  questionable  proceed- 
ing), as  A-bi-sa-ri(tal)~lu  ( PSBA  1910,  p.  274).  This,  doubtless,  is  the  same 
ruler  as  Abi-sare.  In  the  British  Museum  text,  Abi-sare  uses  the  title  “King 
of  Ur,  King  of  Larsa.”  His  name  would  seem  to  imply  that  he  was  a Semite. 
If  the  synchronistic  table  given  below  is  correct,  the  Semites  at  Babylon  founded 
their  dynasty,  and  perhaps  Semites  also  at  Larsa  overthrew  the  foreign  rule 
shortly  after  Bur-Sin  came  to  the  throne  of  Nisin.  That  his  reign  was  weak 
may  be  judged  from  the  comparatively  small  number  of  documents  found 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


belonging  to  liis  time,  and  also  from  the  succession  of  short  reigns  which 
followed. 

The  seventh  ruler,  Su-mu-ilu,  is  known  from  a votive  inscription  of  a 
steatite  figure  of  a dog,  which  Abba-dugga,  the  son  of  a certain  Uru-kagina, 
dedicated  to  the  goddess  Nin-Nisin  for  the  life  of  Sumu-ilu,  King  of  Ur  (cf. 
RA  VI,  69  f.).  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  place  assigned  this  ruler  by 
Tliureau-Dangin  among  those  rulers  that  were  known,  is  correct  (cf.  VAB  I, 
p.  209). 

A king  Zu-ma-ilu,  whose  name  occurs  in  an  oath,  CT  VI,  36a:  16,  has  been 
identified  with  Sumu-la-ilu  of  the  first  dynasty  of  Babylon,  who,  it  lias  been 
claimed,  ruled  over  Sippar,  because  his  name  is  identified  with  that  of  Shamash 
in  the  oath,  and  because  the  name  of  Sumu-la-ilu  is  also  found  with  Shamash 
in  another  oath  formula  (CT  6,  30a :2s).1  Inasmuch  as  there  was  a king  of 
Larsa  named  Sumu-ilu,  who  reigned  about  the  same  time,  Zuma-ilu,  who  is 
identified  with  the  god  Shamash  in  the  oath  formula,  more  probably  is  to  be 
regarded  as  identical  with  the  Larsa  king,  and  especially  as  many  contracts  of 
the  period  came  from  Tel  Sifr,  near  Larsa.  Naturally,  the  question  whether 
Sumu-la-ilu  of  Babylon,  and  Sumu-ilu  of  Larsa  are  the  same,  can  be  raised;  but 
there  are  no  indications  at  the  present  that  such  was  the  case,  except  that  their 
reigns  overlap.  In  fact,  it  does  not  seem  possible  that  they  were  identical. 
Moreover,  the  date  formulae  of  the  ruler  of  Babylon  give  no  intimation  that 
he  had  any  connections  with  Southern  Babylonia. 

The  name  of  Nur-aImmer,  the  eighth  king  of  Larsa,  was  known  from  a 
short  text,  and  a published  date  (VAB  I,  pp.  208  and  236),  as  well  as  from 
several  unpublished  dated  tablets  in  the  Yale  Collection  and  one  in  the  Morgan 
Collection  (No.  1629).  The  name  has  been  read  Nur-Adad  and  Nur-Immer.  It 
had  been  shown  that  it  is  probable  that  dIM  was  read  Innner,  in  referring  to 
a certain  individual’s  name,  Na-ra-am-dIM,  which  is  also  written  in  a shortened 
form  Im-me-rum,  I-im-me-ir,  and  I-im-me-rum.2  This  not  only  showed  that 
dIM  can  be  read  Innner,  but  it  made  it  reasonable  to  infer  that  Immerum, 
known  from  several  contracts  as  a ruler  who  was  a contemporary  of  Suma-la-ilu,3 
is  also  a shortened  name.  This  was  followed  by  the  conjecture  that  Immerum 

1 Cf.  Daich.es  Altbabylonische  Bechtsurkunden,  p.  23,  note  1.  Ranke  did  not  include 
the  text  of  Znmn-ilu  with  those  of  Sumu-la-ilu,  cf.  his  Personal  Names,  p.  42,  note  1. 

2 Cf.  Peiser,  KB  IV,  p.  24  f,  also  Tliureau-Dangin  VAB  I,  p.  296,  note  2. 

3 See  the  tablet  published  by  Pinches  CT  IV,  3a:17f,  which  reads  nis  dSamas  u 
Im-me-ru-um  nis  dMarduk  u Sumu-la-ilu. 


THE  LARSA  DYNASTIC  LIST 


33 


is  Nur-Immer;  but  for  which  no  proof  was  adduced.4  The  new  list,  as  it  is 
tabulated  with  the  First  Dynasty,  makes  the  identification  highly  probable, 
for  the  time  of  Nur-Immer  synchronizes  with  Immerum  the  contemporary  of 
Sumu-la-ilu. 

The  name  Sin-iribam,  who  follows  the  well  known  Sin-idinam,  is  found  in 
the  date  of  a tablet,  now  in  Mr.  Morgan’s  library  (No.  1283),  which  had  been 
published  by  Scheil  ( OLZ  1905,  col.  351) ; but  there  was  no  way  of  determining 
to  which  dynasty  the  ruler  belonged.  A stone  fragment,  perhaps  a portion  of 
a duck  weight,  inscribed  with  the  name  of  this  king,  see  Text  No.  29,  as  well  as 
a tablet  dated  in  his  reign,  are  in  the  Yale  Babylonian  Collection.  The  new 
list  of  Kings  shows  that  he  was  the  tenth  ruler  of  Larsa,  and  reigned  two  years. 

Sin-iqisham,  the  eleventh  king  of  Larsa,  ruled  five  or  six  years  and  perhaps 
a part  of  a year  as  suggested  by  traces  to  be  seen  on  the  obverse  of  the  tablet. 
This  ruler  is  also  represented  by  several  dated  tablets  in  the  Yale  Collection. 
The  name  of  the  king  who  followed  Urra-imitti  in  the  Ur-Nisin5  dynastic  list, 
and  who  ruled  six  months,  was  read  by  Hilprecht  Sin (?)  ....  (BE  XXI, 
p.  46).  His  copy  of  the  tablet  shows  EN  at  the  beginning,  and  sa  or  ta  at  the 
end  of  the  name.  Poebel  later  claimed  that  he  could  see  the  sign  hi  preceding 
sa,  and  argued  that  the  name  was  Sin-iqisham,  who  is  represented  by  a tablet 
from  Nippur,  which  is  dated,  “in  the  year  which  Sin-ikisha  made  an  image  of 
gold  and  silver  for  Shamash”  (OLZ  1907,  col.  468  ff.).  While  it  is  not  impos- 
sible that  the  name  is  that  of  Sin-iqisham,  there  is  not  a little  uncertainty  con- 
cerning the  conjecture,  even  though  it  has  been  adopted.  Ungnad  kindly 
examined  the  dynastic  tablet  and  informed  the  writer  that  it  is  uncertain  whether 
the  last  sign  is  sa,  ta  or  it,  and  that  there  are  no  certain  traces  of  hi,  or  any- 
thing else  before  this  character,  thus  agreeing  with  Hilprecht ’s  copy.  The  fact 
that  the  tenth  king  of  Nisin  ruled  between  Urra-imitti  and  Ellil-bani,  who  also 
held  Nippur,  makes  the  restoration  appear  reasonable,  but  other  considerations 
seem  to  indicate  that  it  would  be  still  more  reasonable  to  regard  the  Nippur 
.tablets  of  Sin-iqisham  as  belonging  to  a king  of  the  Larsa  dynasty. 

Four  tablets  dated  in  the  reign  of  Sin-iqisham  in  the  Nippur  Collection 
have  just  been  published.0  One  date  is  fragmentary,  but  the  others  read: 

a)  “The  year  in  which. Sin-iqisham,  the  king,  made  a statue  of  gold  and  silver;” 

b)  “The  year  in  which  Sin-iqisham,  the  king,  made  a statue  of  gold  and  silver 

4 Cf . Hilprecht  BE  XXI,  p.  56a. 

5 On  the  reading  Nisin  instead  of  Isin,  see  p.  42  f. 

G Chiera  UMBS  VIII 1,  p.  69. 


34 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


of  Shamash;”  c)  “The  year  in  which  Sin-iqisham,  the  king,  adorned  a . . . . 
statue  at  Nippur,  a statue  of  Shamash  and  Shunirda  with  silver  and  gold,  and 
brought  into  the  temple  of  Shamash.”  Cliiera  (ibid,  p.  30)  in  following 
Poebel,  regards  all  these  dates  as  belonging  to  the  six  months  of  the  tenth 
Nisin  ruler,  but  admits,  in  view  of  the  information  given  him  that  Sin-iqisham 
is  found  in  the  new  Larsa  list,  that  the  tablets  may  belong  to  that  dynasty.  It 
should  lie  noted  that  Poebel  in  his  work  which  appeared  about  the  same  time, 
omits  all  his  proposed  readings  ( TJMBS  IV,  p.  94). 

The  tenth  ruler,  according  to  the  Ur-Nisan  list,  ruled  six  months.  Since 
his  predecessor,  Urra-imitti,  crowned  Ellil-bani  as  his  successor,  which  we  learn 
from  an  early  chronicle,7  the  tenth  king,  who  had  usurped  the  throne,  and  for 
six  brief  months  kept  Ellil-bani  from  reigning,  doubtless,  was  occupied  with 
other  things  during  that  short  time  besides  making  a statue  at  Nippur,  and 
erecting  one  to  Shamash  and  Shunirda  in  the  temple  of  Shamash,  presumably 
at  Larsa,  a city  considerably  south  of  Nisin,  and  ruled  over  by  a king  of  that 
city  (i.  e.,  Larsa).  If  the  claim  should  prove  correct,  he  accomplished  con- 
siderable as  a usurper  in  his  brief  reign.  Moreover,  as  there  was  a Sin-iqisham 
of  Larsa  who  ruled  later,  unless  there  are  two  kings  by  the  same  name,  that  of 
the  tenth  ruler  of  Nisin  must  be  restored  differently.  The  fact  that  dated  tab- 
lets in  the  reign  of  Sin-iqisham  were  found  at  Nippur,  would  suggest  that 
perhaps  he  had  inherited  the  title  “king  of  Sumer  and  Accad,”  from  the  time 
of  Sin-idinnam.  Since  Sin-magir  of  Nisin  uses  it,8  Larsa  must  have  lost  the 
title  either  during  the  reign  of  Sin-iqisham,  or  during  the  reign  of  Sili-Immer. 

The  twelfth  ruler  of  Larsa,  Sili-Immer,  hitherto  unknown,  who  ruled  one 
year,  is  represented  by  several  dated  tablets  in  the  Yale  Babylonian  Collection 
from  Larsa  and  Ur. 

The  new  dynastic  list  cannot  leave  any  further  doubt,  even  in  the  minds 
of  those  scholars  who  formerly  argued  for  the  identity  of  the  two  kings 
Warad-Sin  and  Rim-Sin,  that  they  are  not  identical.  The  former  ruled  twelve 
years,  and  the  latter  sixty-one.  The  figure  one,  i.  e.,  1 sussu  or  60,  is  clearly 
seen  on  the  reverse  of  the  tablet,  and  partially  on  the  obverse.  The  additional 
wedge  standing  for  the  odd  number  is  clearly  seen  on  the  obverse.  The  reading 
“61,”  is  confirmed  by  the  total. 

Just  what  is  the  significance  of  the  horizontal  stroke  through  the  two  per- 
pendicular wedges  in  the  number  before  Hammurabi’s  name,  is  not  clear,  unless 

7 King  Chronicles  II,  p.  12. 

8 Weissbach  Babylonische  Miscellen,  p.  1. 


THE  LARSA  DYNASTIC  LIST 


35 


perhaps  to  indicate  a fraction  of  a year.  In  consequence  of  this,  a question 
mark  has  been  placed  in  connection  with  the  twelve  years  in  the  transliteration ; 
but  that  number  corresponds  to  the  twelve  years  between  his  thirty-first  year, 
when  he  conquered  Rim-Sin,  and  his  forty-three  years.  Perhaps  it  is  intended 
for  twelve  and  a half  years.  It  is  interesting  to  note  in  this  connection  that 
the  year-date  list  (see  Text  No.  32),  which  was  also  found  among  Larsa  tablets, 
begins  with  the  thirtieth  year  of  Hammurabi,  which  was  the  time  he  defeated 
the  army  of  Emutbaal. 

Twelve  years  are  given  Samsu-iluna  in  the  dynastic  list,  and  following  his 
name,  1 u g a 1 is  written.  As  he  ruled  over  Babylon  thirty- eight  years,  does  this 
mean  that  the  tablet  was  written  in  his  twelfth  year;  or  does  it  mean,  what 
seems  more  probable,  that  his  rule  over  Larsa  ceased  after  that  time! 

The  year  date  for  his  eleventh  year  records  his  destroying  the  walls  of  Ur 
and  Erech.  The  date  for  his  twelfth  year  reads:  “the  year  when  Samsu-iluna, 
king,  after  all(?)  the  lands  had  revolted.”  In  the  fifteenth  year,  he  restored 
the  walls  of  Nisin;  in  the  sixteenth,  Sippar;  and  in  the  seventeenth,  Emutbaal. 
No  references  to  the  southern  cities  Ur,  Erech,  and  Larsa  are  found  after  the 
eleventh  year.  It  is  known  that  the  dating  of  contracts  at  Tel-Sifr,  a town  not 
far  from  Larsa,  only  extend  to  the  tenth  year  of  Samsu-iluna.  The  many  con- 
tracts in  the  Yale  Collection  from  Larsa,  belonging  to  this  era,  are  confined  to 
the  first  twelve  years  of  his  reign.  These  facts  make  it  reasonable  to  maintain 
that  after  destroying  the  walls  of  Ur  and  Erech  in  his  eleventh  year,  Samsu- 
iluna  lost  control  of  the  southern  cities  in  or  about  the  twelfth  year  of  his  reign. 
It  is  possible  that  the  reign  of  Iluma-ilu  over  this  district  began  at  this  time ; 
for  as  King  has  shown,  this  ruler  of  the  Sea  Land  dynasty  was  a contemporary 
( Chron . I,  p.  70).  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  it  cannot  be  determined  at  present 
in  what  part  of  his  reign,  Iluma-ilu  took  the  southern  cities  from  Babylon  in 
order  to  show  exactly  how  this  dynasty  overlapped  that  of  Babylon.  It  is  not 
improbable  that  the  dynasty  began  when  Samsu-iluna  lost  the  region  in  his 
twelfth  year. 

The  questions  as  to  whether  the  Nisin  dynasty  came  to  a close  in  the 
seventeenth  year  of  Sin-muballit  or  later;  and  whether  the  Nisin  and  Babylon 
dynasties  overlapped,  now  receive  new  light.  King  originally  held  the  theory 
that  they  did  overlap.9  Others  followed,  accepting  the  theory,  namely  Hil- 
precht  (BE  XXI,  p.  49,  n.  5),  Ranke  (OLZ  1907,  col.  109  ft.),  Ungnad  ( OLZ 

9 LIII  p.  228,  note  39 ; and  Chronicles  I,  p.  168. 


36 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


1908,  col.  66),  Meyer  ( Gesch . d.  Altertums  I,  2 pp.  345,  556),  etc.  Thureau- 
Dangin  then  maintained  that  Sin-muballit  took  Nisin  from  a Larsa  king  in  his 
seventeenth  year  ( OLZ  1907,  col.  256  f.).  King  a little  later  abandoned  his 
theory.  (Sumer  and  Accad,  313  ff.)  Poebel,  on  the  basis  of  a formula,  said 
to  be  for  the  twentieth  year  of  Sin-muballit,  which  reads,  “When  the  army  of 
Larsa  was  smitten  in  arms,”  held  that  Rim-Sin’s  overthrow  of  Nisin  took  place 
in  the  nineteenth  year  of  Sin-muballit  (BE  VI,  p.  114).  More  recently  Thureau- 
Dangin  (JA  1909,  p.  337,  and  BA  VIII,  81  f.),  published  a date  formula  of 
Rim-Sin,  which  says  that  the  king  “by  the  great  might  of  Anu,  Enlil  and  Ea, 
captured  the  city  of  Damiq-ilishu,  and  the  people  of  Nisin,  as  many  as  there 
were.”  This  date  prompted  him  to  conclude  that  when  Sin-muballit  took  Nisin, 
he  allowed  the  king  Damiq-ilishu  to  keep  the  throne  as  his  vassal,  but  that  it 
was  overthrown  in  the  first  or  second  year  of  Hammurabi  by  Rim-Sin. 

Another  view  has  more  recently  been  advanced  by  Langdon  (Babyloniaca 
1914,  p.  41),  who  sees  in  the  date  formula  for  the  seventh  year  of  Hammurabi, 
the  overthrow  of  Nisin  by  Rim-Sin.  And  finally,  Chiera,  in  a review  of  the 
question  (UMBS  VIII 1,  24  ft.),  concludes,  in  order  to  make  the  “30  years”  of 
the  Nisin  era  precede  the  tenth  of  Samsu-iluna,  that  at  a time  close  to  the 
twenty-third  year  of  Hammurabi,  Rim-Sin  took  Nisin  from  Damiq-ilisliu;  and 
the  dynasty  of  that  city  was  ended.  In  support  of  liis  theory  he  presents  a 
study  of  the  personal  names,  from  which  he  concludes  that  Damiq-ilishu  and 
Samsu-iluna  were  not  separated  by  a long  interval  of  time  (see  below). 

In  connection  with  the  theory  of  Chiera  attention  need  only  be  called  to  the 
fact,  as  he  himself  notes  (ibid,  p.  25  and  32),  that  the  tablets  of  Hammurabi’s 
reign  found  at  Nippur,  begin  with  his  thirty-first  year;  and  also  that  he  has 
published  Nippur  tablets  from  the  first  until  the  twenty-ninth  year  of  Rim-Sin’s 
Nisin-era.  Both  kings  scarcely  ruled  over  or  were  recognized  at  Nippur  at  the 
same  time,  i.  e.,  after  the  thirty-first  year  of  Hammurabi.  The  same  is  true 
in  connection  with  the  theory  proposed  by  Langdon,  who  begins  the  era  with 
Hammurabi’s  seventh  year.  The  Tel  Sifr  texts  show  that  Hammurabi  held  this 
city  from  the  thirty-first  year.  Moreover,  the  large  collection  of  Larsa  texts  in 
the  Yale  Collection  shows  that  the  city  was  held  by  Rim-Sin  through  at  least 
31  years  (see  below)  of  the  Nisin  era,  and  by  Hammurabi  from  the  time  he  con- 
quered Elam  and  Rim-Sin.  These  facts  seem  to  show  that  the  Nisin  era 
preceded  Hammurabi’s  31st  year. 

The  new  dynastic  tablet  which  gives  a list  of  Larsa  rulers,  credits  Rim-Sin 
with  61  years,  who  is  followed  by  Hammurabi  with  12  years,  and  Samsu-iluna 


THE  LARSA  DYNASTIC  LIST 


37 


with  12  years.  In  other  words,  this  long  period  of  Rim-Sin  preceded  Hammu- 
rabi’s thirty-first  year.  This,  however,  does  not  appear  so  reasonably  certain 
when  all  the  facts  are  taken  into  consideration. 

In  this  connection  it  seems  proper  to  discuss  briefly  the  bearing  that  the  new 
dynastic  tablet  has  upon  the  question  as  to  whether  Rim-Sin  continued  to  live 
until  the  tenth  year  of  Samsu-iluna.  King  published  a fragmentary  chronicle, 
which  he  interpreted  as  meaning  that  the  forces  of  Elam  under  Rim-Sin’s  leader- 
ship were  probably  again  active  in  the  reign  of  Samsu-iluna,  and  that  it  prob- 
ably refers  to  the  death  of  the  latter.10  Subsequently,  Ungnad  discussed  two 
tablets  from  Warka,  that  had  been  published  by  Strassmaier,  which  recorded  the 
same  transaction,  giving  the  name  of  the  same  contracting  parties,  and  dated  in 
the  same  month;  but  the  one  in  the  reign  of  Rim-Sin;  and  the  other,  in  the 
reign  of  Samsu-iluna.  ( ZA  23,  p.  13.)  These  facts  prompted  Ungnad  to 
assign  the  date  of  the  former  to  the  ninth  year  of  Samsu-iluna,  and  that  of  the 
latter  to  the  tenth  year  of  Samsu-iluna,  which  date  is  known;  and  to  assume 
that  Rim-Sin  was  defeated  and  killed  at  that  time.  Thureau-Dangin  has 
endeavored  to  complete  Rim-Sin’s  date  from  an  unpublished  document,  and 
reads:  “The  year  in  which  the  goddess  Nin-mah  in  the  temple  of  Kish,  the 
temple  of  the  foundation  of  heaven  and  earth,  exalted  Rim-Sin,  the  king  to  the 
kingdom  of  the  whole  land,  and  in  which  he  did  not  smite  back  the  wicked  enemies 
in  their  countries.”  ( JA  1909,  335  f.)  He  maintains  that  the  two  documents 
were  written  on  the  same  day,  the  one  in  the  reign  of  the  king  who  was  defeated, 
and  the  other  in  that  of  the  conqueror,  not  knowing  who  would  triumph. 

It,  of  course,  is  not  impossible  that  Rim-Sin  again  appeared  on  the  scene 
in  the  tenth  year  of  Samsu-iluna,  and  that  the  two  contracts  were  drawn  up  on 
the  same  day  under  such  peculiar  circumstances,  as  lias  been  suggested.  King 
has  kindly  examined  the  tablets,  and  has  informed  the  writer  that  the  amounts 
in  line  12  read,  in  the  one  (No.  22),  2 1/3  shekels  (on  the  case  and  on  the  tablet) ; 
and  in  the  other  (No.  63),  4 2/3  shekels  15  se  (only  on  the  tablet  as  the  case 
was  broken) ; and  that  he  has  no  doubt  at  all  that  both  tablets  were  written  by 
the  same  scribe.  If  the  date  in  question  synchronizes  with  Samsu-iluna ’s  10th 
year,  it  is  not  impossible  that  Rim-Sin,  whom  Hammurabi  conquered  in  his 

10  Cf.  Chronicles  I,  p.  69;  II,  pp.  18,  12111.,  which  reads:  line  13  “ [Samsu-il]una,  king 

of  Babylon,  the  son  of  Hammurabi,  the  king.  14  ( ) and  15  ( ) 

Rim-Sin  unto  ( ) marched.  16  ( ) his  hand  conquered  ( 17 

( ) him  alive  in  the  palace  ( ).”  See  also  AVinckler  OLZ  1907. 

col.  586. 


38 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


31st  year,  became  active  again;  and  as  the  date  implies,  had  himself  formally 
declared  king  of  the  whole  land  in  the  temple  of  Kesh,  which  city  apparently 
was  in  the  South  country.  Prior  to  the  settlement  of  the  issue,  this  would 
naturally  have  caused  considerable  uncertainty  in  values.  If  Rim-Sin  should 
triumph,  the  price  of  the  property  would  be  only  half  the  amount  that  it  would 
be  if  the  rule  of  Samsu-iluna  over  Larsa  was  uninterrupted.  The  fuller  date 
of  the  latter’s  tenth  year  shows  that  the  king  did  defeat  the  army  of  Erech  that 
year;  and  perhaps,  as  the  fragmentary  chronicle,  above  referred  to,  indicates, 
Rim-Sin  lost  his  life.  If  this  should  prove  correct,  and  the  new  dynastic  tablet 
is  to  be  literally  understood,  Rim-Sin  was  at  a very  advanced  age — in  fact,  not 
far  from  a century  old ; for  the  tenth  year  of  Samsu-iluna  was  83  years  after 
he,  Rim-Sin,  began  to  reign.  That  is,  if  the  new  list  giving  Cl  years  is  cor- 
rect, and  we  must  add  to  this  number  the  twelve  years  during  which  Hammurabi 
ruled  over  Larsa,  and  the  ten  or  twelve  of  Samsu-iluna,  we  have  in  all  83  years, 
or  more ; to  which,  of  course,  must  be  added  also  the  years  before  he  became 
king.  While  it  is  not  impossible  that  the  people  of  Southern  Babylonia,  about 
the  tenth  year  of  Samsu-iluna,  took  steps  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  Babylon,  and 
again  proclaimed  Rim-Sin  king,  it  does  not  seem  very  probable  that  he  was  the 
aged  man  the  above  figures  would  make  him.  Moreover,  other  facts  which 
follow  seem  to  make  it  still  less  so. 

There  are  known  at  present  from  fifteen  to  eighteen  year-dates  of  Rim-Sin 
besides  those  of  the  Nisin  era.  Sclieil  ( RT  XXI,  125)  published  a tablet  dated 
in  the  30th  year  of  the  era.  Two  tablets  in  the  Yale  Collection  ( YBC  Nos.  4465 
and  5552),  are  dated  in  the  31st  year  after  the  fall  of  Nisin.  Then  also  several 
tablets  in  the  Yale  Collection  show  that  the  overthrow  of  Nisin  took  place 
about  the  eighteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  Rim-Sin.11  Following  the  usual  date 
of  the  second  year  of  the  era  on  two  tablets,  Nos.  4229  and  4270,  is  written 
sag  mu  ki  18kan;  and  on  one  tablet  YBC  No.  4384,  is  added  sag  mu-ki  18kau 
i n-a  g.  The  last  character  read  a g is  not  quite  clear,  which  is  due  to  the  tablet 
having  been  cased,  and  the  corner  of  the  tablet,  on  which  it  appears,  having 
been  pressed  slightly  out  of  shape.  Two  other  tablets,  YBC  Nos.  4307  and  4481, 
which  also  contain  the  date  for  the  second  year,  reads:  mu  ki  2 dim(?)  mu  ki 
19  gis-ku  m[ali]  An  dEn-lil  dEa,  etc.  “Year  2 like  year  19,  in  which  by 
the  great  weapon  of  Anu,  Enlil  and  Ea,”  etc.  These  tablets  would  seem  to 

11  It  is  expected  that  these  tablets  will  appear  in  a volume  of  texts  in  this  series  dated 
in  the  reign  of  Rim-Sin,  by  Professor  Eliliu  Grant  of  Smith  College,  a member  of  the 
Yale  Babylonian  Seminar. 


THE  LARSA  DYNASTIC  LIST 


39 


point  to  the  fact  that  the  Nisin  era  began  with  the  eighteenth  year  of  the  reign, 
or  that  the  second  year  of  the  era  was  the  nineteenth  year  of  the  reign. 

If  Rim-Sin  ruled  61  years  before  Hammurabi  conquered  him,  in  the  light  of 
the  above  we  should  expect  to  find  twelve  additional  dates  in  the  so-called  Nisin 
era;  hut  there  are  no  indications  of  these  at  present.  Moreover,  it  does  seem 
as  if  the  61  years  are  to  be  understood  otherwise  than  preceding  the  31st  of 
Hammurabi,  but  just  how,  is  the  question. 

If  we  assume  that  the  61  years  include  the  12  years’  rule  of  Larsa  by  Ham- 
murabi and  the  ten  of  Samsu-iluna,  then  we  would  have  to  conclude  that  at 
Tel  Sifr,  Nippur,  and  Larsa,  after  Hammurabi  had  conquered  Rim-Sin,  he 
allowed  the  use  of  Rim-Sin’s  dates  celebrating  the  overthrow  of  Nisin,  as  well 
as  his  own.  This,  as  mentioned  above,  does  not  appear  to  the  writer  to  be 
probable. 

Another,  and  perhaps  a more  reasonable  supposition  is,  that  the  61  years 
include  the  12  or  12y2  years  of  Hammurabi,  but  not  those  of  Samsu-iluna. 
This  would  require  the  assumption  that  although  conquered,  Hammurabi  per- 
mitted Rim-Sin  to  live  and  perhaps  to  occupy  some  position  of  honor.  The 
letters  of  Hammurabi  to  Sin-idinnam  of  Larsa  leave  no  room  for  the  suppo- 
sition that  Rim-Sin  continued  to  rule  as  a vassal  king.  And,  of  course,  if  the 
assumption  is  made  that  there  was  a mistake  in  the  new  dynastic  tablet,  and  that 
the  number  should  be  71  instead  of  61,  the  ten  years  of  Samsu-iluna  would 
also  be  thus  included.  1 

Since  31  years  intervened  between  Hammurabi’s  accession  to  the  throne 
and  his  overthrow  of  Rim-Sin,  and  on  account  of  other  reasons,  it  seems  natural 
to  place  the  Nisin  era  of  31  years  at  that  time,  and  advance  the  theory  that 
Sin-muballit  fought  a battle  with  Larsa  in  his  20tli  year,  which  was  regarded 
as  a victory;  that  is,  if  the  date  reading:  “the  year  when  Larsa  was  smitten 
in  arms,”  belongs  to  that  year,  as  lias  been  proposed.  Then  in  the  latter  part 
of  the  same  year,  in  another  conflict  with  Larsa,  Sin-muballit  perhaps  lost  his 
life,  when  Nisin  was  captured  by  Rim-Sin;  and  Hammurabi,  doubtless  as  a 
vassal  (see  below),  came  to  the  throne.  In  other  words,  if  this  should  prove 
correct,  the  overthrow  of  Nisin  synchronizes  with  the  accession  of  Hammurabi. 
As  stated  above  on  independent  grounds,  one  scholar  lias  proposed  the  19th 
year  of  Sin-muballit,  and  another  the  first  or  second  year  of  Hammurabi,  for 
the  fall  of  Nisin.  In  the  light  of  all  the  data,  even  that  presented  by  Chiera12 

12  Chiera  is  quite  correct  in  maintaining  that  the  testimony  of  the  personal  names 
of  the  period  cannot  be  overlooked,  but  in  making  the  beginning  of  the  Nisin  era  23 


40 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


from  a study  of  personal  names,  it  seems  reasonable  to  bold  that  this  event  took 
place  at  the  time  Hammurabi  began  to  rule. 

If  the  close  of  Damiq-ilishu ’s  reign  of  23  years,  coincides  with  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Nisin  era,  the  exact  overlapping  of  the  Nisin  and  Larsa  dynasties 
can  be  definitely  determined.  But  if  the  year-date  of  Rim-Sin,  recording  the 
overthrow  of  Nisin,  is  to  be  interpreted  with  Thureau-Dangin,  as  meaning  that 
only  the  city  was  taken,  and  that  Damiq-ilishu  was  allowed  to  reign  as  a vassal, 
then  it  is  impossible  to  determine  how  the  Nisin  and  Larsa  dynasties  over- 
lapped. The  date  in  question  reads : ‘ ‘ The  year  in  which,  with  the  sublime 
power  of  Aim,  Enlil,  and  Ea,  the  shepherd  Rim-Sin  took  the  city  of  Damiq- 
ilislm,  the  people  and  the  possessions.”  If,  as  stated,  the  king  was  only  reduced 
to  vassalage,  and  the  23  years  he  ruled  according  to  the  Ur-Nisin  list,  had  not 
been  completed  at  this  time,  it  is  impossible  to  determine  the  synchronism  of 
the  two  dynasties  with  our  present  data.  The  table  given  below,  which  is  based 
on  the  new  Larsa  list,  and  the  Ur-Nisin  list,  is  constructed  on  the  supposition 
that  Damiq-ilishu ’s  reign  of  23  years  ends  with  the  fall  of  Nisin. 

The  synchronisms,  as  seen  in  the  table,  show  how  it  was  possible  for  Damiq- 
ilislm  to  have  used  the  title  “King  of  Shumer  and  Accad”,  as  found  in  a 

years  earlier  than  he  does,  they  do  not  seem  to  offer  any  serious  difficulties.  If  the 
restoration  of  Ib-[ku-sa]  sutug  dNin-lil-la  81:2,  of  las  texts,  is  correct,  although 
not  a few  hear  this  title,  it  simply  means  that  this  man  was  in  office  31  years  (of  Ham- 
murabi’s reign)  -j-  x (of  Damiq-ilishu).  The  identification  of  I-din-dIM  in  the  couplet, 
76 ( son  of  I-din-dIM,  of  Rim-Sin’s  time,  with  I-din-dIM,  son  .of  dIM- 
gir-ra  of  Samsu-iluna’s  thirteenth  year,  is  exceedingly  precarious,  not  only  because  the 
reading  is  uncertain,  but  also  because  there  may  have  been  two  dozen  persons  bearing  that 
name  at  that  time  in  Nippur.  But  even  if  they  are  the  same,  we  would  only  have  the 
case  of  a father  being  referred  to  x years  (of  Rim-Sin) -j-  12  years  (of  Hammurabi) -f- 13 
years  (of  Samsu-iluna)  = 25  x after  the  son  had  acted  as  a witness,  which  would  not 
be  remarkable.  That  dlM-ra-bi  is  mentioned  in  the  reign  of  Damiq-ilishu,  and  his  sons 
Mdri-irsitim  and  Mutum-ilu  in  the  eleventh  year  of  Samsu-iluna,  simply  means  that  the 
sons  are  referred  to  x years  (of  Damiq-ilisu) -f- 43  (of  Hammurabi) -f  11  (of  Samsu- 
iluna)  = 54  + £ years  later  than  the  father.  A certain  U-du-du  is  referred  to  in  the 
time  of  Damiq-ilishu,  and  one  Ib-ga-tum,  son  of  U-du-du,  in  the  eleventh  year  of  Samsu- 
iluna.  This  means,  if  U-du-du  represents  the  same  man,  that  the  son  is  referred  to  x 
years  (of  Damiq-ilishu)  + 43  (of  Hammurabi)  -f- 11  (of  Samsu-iluna)  — 54  -f-  x years 
later  than  the  father.  The  case  of  Ur-kingal{'l)-a  the  scribe,  mentioned  in  the  eleventh 
year  of  the  Nisin-era,  and  the  fourth  of  Samsu-iluna’s  reign,  means  that  he  was  active  for 
20  years  (of  Rim-Sin)  -f- 12  (of  Hammurabi)  -f- 4 (of  Samsu-iluna)  = 36  years.  Consid- 
ering all  the  data  one  can  only  conclude,  in  maintaining  the  present  position,  that  abundant 
parallels  can  be  found  in  the  yeai*s  of  service  rendered  in  present  day  affairs. 


SYNCHRONISTIC  TABLE 


41 


Nisin  Dynasty. 
275 


Ishbi-Urra 

32  (268%) 

250 

Gimil-ilishu 

10  (236%) 

225  Idin-Dagan 

21  (226%) 

Isbme-Dagan 

200 

20  (205%) 

Libit-Ishtar 

11  ( 1851/2 ) 

175  Ur-NIN-IB 

28  (1741/2) 

150 

Bur-Sin 

21  ( 1461/2 ) 

125  Iter-pisha 
Urra-imitti 

Sin(  ?)  . . . 
Ellil-bani 

5 (125%) 

7 ( 1201/2) 
1/2  (H31/2) 
24  (113) 

100 

Za[mb]ia 

Ea  . . . 
Sin-magir 

3 (89) 

5 (86) 

4 (81) 

11  (77) 

Damiq-ilishu 

23  (66) 

50 

Fall  of  Nisin 

(43) 

25 


0 


Larsa  Dynasty. 


Naplanum 

21  (265) 

Emisu 

28  (244) 

Samum 

35  (216) 

Zabaia 

9 (181) 

Gungunu 

27  (172) 

Abi-sare 

11  (145) 

Sumu-ilu 

29  (134) 

Nur-Immer 

16  (105) 

Sin-idinnam 

-A 

CO 

CO 

Sin-iribam 

Sin-iqisham 

Sili-Immer 

Warad-Sin 

2 (82) 
6(  ?)  (80) 
1 (74) 
12  (73) 

Rim-Sin  61  - 

-12=49  (61) 

Hammurabi 

12(1)  (12) 

1 • • 

Close  of  Hammurabi’s  reign. 


Babylon  Dynasty. 


Sumu-abi 

14  (145) 

Sumu-la-ilu 

36  (131) 

Zabium 

14  (95) 

Apil-Sin 

18  (81) 

Sin-muballit 

20  (63) 

Hammurabi 

43  (43) 

42 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


recently  published  text,13  for  although  Warad-Sin  possessed  it,  he  apparently 
lost  it  to  Damiq-ilishu.  The  Nippur  contracts  show  the  same  thing.  There 
have  been  four  different  dates  of  Warad-Sin,  found  at  Nippur,  five  of  Damiq- 
ilislm,  and  about  seven  of  Rim-Sin  before  the  Nisin  era.14  Sin-magir,  who  also 
used  the  title,15  had  probably  lost  it  to  Warad-Sin. 

The  synchronistic  table  given  above  shows  that  the  dynasty  of  Larsa  was 
established  three  and  a half  years  after  the  Nisin  dynasty.  It  is  known  that 
the  Elamites  invaded  and  pillaged  the  land  of  Sumer  and  carried  Ibe-Sin,  the 
last  ruler  of  Ur,  captive  to  Elam.16  It  is  to  be  noted,  that  the  Ur-Nisin  list 
ignores  any  part  played  by  Elam  and  Larsa  in  the  overthrow  of  the  Ur  dynasty, 
making  it  appear  that  “its  kingdom  passed  to  Nisin;”  and  that  the  latter 
regime  followed  immediately.  The  power  of  Ur  during  the  reign  of  Ibe-Sin 
apparently  had  degenerated  very  considerably,  as  is  shown  by  the  comparatively 
few  records  of  this  reign  found  among  the  thousands  belonging  to  the  dynasty.17 
It  is  not  impossible  that  the  Western  Semites  at  Nisin  rose  to  the  occasion,  and 
conspired  with  Elam  to  accomplish  the  overthrow  of  Ur.  Subsequently, 
another  foreigner  named  Naplanum,  perhaps  an  Elamite,  established  himself  at 
Larsa. 

A word  also  in  this  connection  concerning  the  reading  of  NI-SI-IN.  Since 
1-si-in  has  been  found  in  a late  Semitic  translation  of  a Sumerian  text  {BA  V. 
644:9  and  10),  and  attention  lias  been  called  to  the  date  [.  . . ] i-s  i-i  n in-dib 
(CT  4,  24:447),  scholars  generally  have  adopted  the  reading  Ism.  As  is  well 
known  NI  lias  the  value  i in  certain  instances,  and  NI-SI-IN  in  time  was 
regarded  as  an  ideogram  for  Isin,  still  the  writer  prefers  the  reading  Nisin  to 
Isin  for  the  early  period,  as  it,  doubtless,  was  the  original  pronunciation  of  the 
name ; which  in  time,  through  the  apliaeresis  of  the  n,  was  pronounced  also  Isin. 
That  Nisin  was  in  use  during  the  early  period  is  determined  from  the  writing 
of  the  name  in  several  dates  on  Larsa  tablets  in  the  Yale  Collection  of  the 
second  year  after  the  fall  of  the  city,  namely  Ni-i-si-in  and  Ni-i-si-in-nci  (cf.  YBC 

13  Cf.  Poebel  UMBS  V,  73.  King  ( Sumer  and  Accad,  p.  319)  had  assumed  that  the 
title  was  held  by  Damiq-ilishu,  who  succeeded  Sin-magir,  on  a basis  of  a tablet  found 
at  Sippar,  dated  in  the  year  he  built  the  wall  of  Nisin,  and  also  on  a tablet  found  at 
Nippur  in  which  he  commemorates  the  building  of  a temple  probably  in  Babylon. 

14  See  Chiera’s  important  collection  of  dates,  UMBS  VIII 1,  73  ff. 

15Weissbach  Babylonische  Miscellen,  p.  1. 

10  Langdon  Historical  and  Religious  Texts,  p.  5. 

17  Based  on  an  examination  of  the  material  in  the  Yale  Collection.  See  also  Langdon 
Archives  of  Drehem,  p.  6. 


THE  LARSA  DYNASTIC  LIST 


43 


Nos.  5417  and  5415).18  At  the  same  time  there  is  evidence  that  the  name  was 
also  written  1-si-in  in  the  early  period.  This  has  been  supported  by  the  passage 
frequently  quoted,  namely,  [ ]i-si-in  in-dib  (CT  4,  24:447);  and  yet  this 
may  have  been  another  example  of  the  fuller  form  Ni-i-si-in.  But  my  attention 
has  been  called  by  my  pupil,  Miss  Ettalene  Grice,  to  the  writing  I-si-inki  on  a 
tablet  belonging  to  the  Larsa  dynasty,  ( YBG  No.  4728),  which  shows  that  Isin 
was  also  used.  In  the  Cassite  dynasty,  I-si-inki  occurs,  cf.  BE  XV,  40:4  and 
47 : 5.  Whether  in  the  name  H-na-Ni-si-in-ha-an-bat,  BE  XV,  200  1:21,  etc.,  it  is 
to  be  read  Nisin  or  Isin,  is  a question.  The  late  Semitic  translation,  of  a 
Sumerian  text  (BA  V,  644:  9 and  10)  ; as  well  as,  perhaps  the  name  Amel- 
1-si-in  on  a boundary  stone  inscription  of  N ebuchadnezzar  I.,  would  show  that 
in  the  late  period  Isin  was  preferred.  For  this  reason,  and  in  order  to  distin- 
guish it  from  the  earlier,  the  late  dynasty,  which  bears  the  same  name,  is  called 
Isin. 

One  other  question  should  be  briefly  touched  upon  here.  In  the  past,  many 
students,  including  the  writer,  have  concurred  in  the  contention  that  as  the  sign 
NIT  AH  has  the  Sumerian  value  uri  besides  the  Semitic  value  ivarad,  and  as 
EN-ZU  can  also  be  read  Aku,  taking  into  consideration  the  passage  in  Genesis 
14:1,  the  name  usually  read  War  ad- Sin,  was  really  pronounced  U r i- A k u = 
Arioch.  Others,  however,  have  contended  that  this  king’s  brother  and  suc- 
cessor, whose  name  is  usually  read  Rim- Sin,  was  the  Arioch  of  Genesis;  while 
still  others  have  claimed  that  War  ad- Sin  and  Rim-Sin  represent  the  same 
individual. 

The  new  dynastic  list,  as  mentioned  above,  settles  the  last  mentioned  prob- 
lem. The  first  mentioned  theory,  namely,  that  Warad-Sin  is  Arioch,  must  also 
be  given  up,  as  this  king  was  not  the  contemporary  of  Hammurabi — no  not  even 
when  the  latter  was  the  royal  prince  during  the  reign  of  Sin-muballit,  his  father. 
The  only  conclusion,  therefore,  is  that  Rim-Sin  is  Arioch.  The  fact  that  no 
important  events  are  referred  to  in  the  first  years  of  Hammurabi’s  reign, 
coincides  with  the  idea  that  he  inherited  a kingdom  which  was  subservient  to 
Larsa.  The  vassalage  of  Amraphel  (Hammurabi)  implied  in  Genesis  XIV:  1, 

18  Chiera  ( UMBS  VIII,  1,  p.  78,  note  2),  who  is  the  most  recent  supporter  of  the 
reading  Isin,  quotes  in-si-na  from  one  of  Langdon’s  dates,  which  he  suggests  should  be 
read  i-si-na?  also  the  divine  name  dNin-in-si-na,  and  still  further  from  an  unpublished 
list  of  names,  dNin-in-si-ki-na.  To  these  might  be  added  dNin-in-ni-si-an-na,  dNin-in-ni- 
si-na,  etc.  (Thureau-Dangin  LG  p.  64.)  All  these  examples,  however,  if  they  have  any 
bearing,  it  seems  to  the  writer,  would  support  the  reading  Nisin  rather  than  Isin. 


44 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


could  only  have  occurred  in  these  first  years  of  his  reign.  True,  not  a few 
scholars  place  no  dependence  on  the  historical  value  of  the  coalition  of  the  kings 
mentioned  in  the  fourteenth  chapter  of  Genesis,  but  since  the  many  discoveries, 
which  have  a bearing  upon  this  part  of  the  chapter  referring  to  foreign  political 
affairs,  verify  the  data  set  forth  in  it ; and  on  the  other  hand,  since  not  a single 
discovery  in  any  way  has  impaired  its  accuracy,  the  only  reasonable  conclusion 
is  that  its  statements,  until  proved  incorrect,  must  be  utilized  in  the  reconstruc- 
tion of  the  history  of  the  period,  especially  if  they  synchronize  with  what  is 
fact. 

No.  33.  Date-list  of  Babylon’s  Rule  over  Larsa. 

This  small  baked  tablet  was  found  among  inscriptions  which  came  from 
Senkereli,  and  represents  nearly  the  entire  time  when  Babylon  held  sway  over 
Larsa.  From  this,  as  well  as  from  two  date-lists  of  Hammurabi,  it  is  known 
that  in  his  30th  year  he  conquered  Elam,  and  in  his  31st  year,  the  land  of 
Emutbaal  and  king  Rim-Sin.  In  the  new  dynastic  list,  Hammurabi  is  given 
either  13  years,  or  12  years  and  a fraction;  and  Samsu-iluna  is  given  12  years. 
The  present  list  shows  that  Hammurabi  is  credited  with  being  king  of  Larsa 
from  the  time  the  victory  over  Elam  was  achieved,  i.  e.,  from  the  30th  year. 

Since  the  new  dynastic-list,  see  Text  No.  32,  gives  Samsu-iluna  a 12  years’ 
rule  over  Larsa,  and  tablets  have  been  found  dated  in  the  12th  year,  as  mentioned 
above,  the  present  list  presumably  was  written  in  the  seventh  year  of  the  king’s 
reign,  as  only  seven  year-dates  are  given  in  it.  Like  the  Hammurabi  list  in  the 
Constantinople  Museum,  which  was  published  by  Sclieil,1  it  shows  that  several 
dates  have  heretofore  been  misplaced. 

The  date  for  the  32nd  year  is  a variant  of  that  usually  found.  The  read- 
ing unfortunately  is  not  quite  clear.  The  ma  is  preserved  in  the  fragmentary 
list  published  by  Pinches  (CT  VI,  10:32),  and  King  ( LIH  II,  No.  101).  This, 
Poebel  read  A s [-n  u n-naki] = Ashnunak,  as  a variant  of  ES-NUN-NAki  usually 
read  Tupliasli.  The  present  text,  however,  shows  that  the  character  is  probably 
ma,  not  as,  in  the  CT  text. 

The  name  of  the  city  in  the  date  for  the  35th  year  is  written  M a-e  sw  instead 
of  the  usual  Ma-riki  or  Ma-erw.  The  peculiar  form  of  the  character  read 
gal  in  the  38th  year,  is  also  to  be  noted.  The  exact  significance  of  the  last  line 
of  the  text  also  is  not  clear. 

1 Des  Memoires  de  I’Academie  des  inscriptions  et  Belles-lettres. 


BABYLON’S  RULE  OVER  LARSA 


45 


1 mu  ugnim  Nim-mak!  Year  when  the  army  of  Elam, 

mu  ma-da  Ia-mu-ut-ba-lum  Year  when  the  land  of  Iamutbalum. 
mu  ugnim  Ma-an-ki-tu( ?)-ki( ?)  Year  when  the  army  Ma-an-ki-tu( ?)ki. 
mu  id  Ha-am-mu-ra-bi-nu-hu- 


u s-n  i-s  i 

5 m u Ana  dN  i n n i dN  a-n  a-a 

mu  bad  M a-e ski 
m u E-m  e-t  e-u  r-s  a g 
mu  ugnim  Tu-ru-qu 
m u E s-n  u n-n  aM  a-g  a 1-g  a 1-1  a 
10  mu  kilib  gu-da-a-bi 
mu  E-mes-lam 
mu  dTas-me-tum 
mu  bad  Kar  dS  a m a s 
mu  Zimbarki 

15  m u S a-a  m-s  u-i-1  u-n  a 1 u g a 1 
nam-en-bi  kur-kur-ra 
mu  ama-ar-gi 

mu  id  Sa-am-su-i-lu-na-na-ga- 
[ab-]nu-uh-si 

mu  id  S a-a  m-s  u-i-1  u-n  a-h  e-g  a 1 

mu  gis  gu-za  bar  a-g  e 
20  mu  a lam  ba-ne 

mu  gis  tukul  su-nir 


Year  when  the  canal  Hammurabi- 
nuhush-nishi. 

Year  when  (for)  Anum,  Innina  and 
Nana. 

Year  when  the  wall  of  Mari. 

Year  when  Emeteursag. 

Year  when  the  army  of  Turukku. 

Year  when  Tupliash,  which  a great  flood, 

Year  when  the  totality  of  the  enemy. 

Year  when  Emeshlam. 

Year  when  the  goddess  Tashmetum. 

Year  when  the  wall  of  Kar-Shamash. 

Year  when  Sippar. 

Year  when  Samsu-iluna,  the  king,  the 
lordship  over  the  lands. 

Year  when  the  freedom. 

Year  when  the  canal  Samsu-iluna- 
nagab-nuhshi. 

Year  when  the  canal  Samsu-iluna- 
hegallum. 

Year  when  the  golden  throne. 

Year  when  the  praying  statues. 

Year  when  the  shining  masrahu 
weapon. 


No.  34.  Fragment  of  the  Hammurabi  Code. 

Only  one  side  of  the  fragment,  the  reverse,  is  preserved.  That  it  is  the 
reverse  is  determined  by  the  order  of  the  laws  compared  with  those  of  the  stele. 
The  first  column  contains  the  latter  part  of  §165,  and  the  first  part  of  §166.  The 
middle  column  contains  the  greater  part  of  §170,  and  the  beginning  of  §171. 
The  third  column  contains  portions  of  §173,  §174,  and  §175. 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


46 


Nos.  35  and  36.  Two  Inscbiptions  of  An-am. 

There  lias  been  known  for  some  time  a short  inscription  of  An-am 
(cf.  VAB  I,  p.  222),  the  exact  reading  of  whose  name  has  not  been  determined. 
The  two  inscriptions  here  published  apparently  have  come  from  Erech,  over 
which  city  An-am  presided.  In  each,  reference  is  made  to  the  restoration  of 
the  temple,  which  apparently  had  been  burned.  In  the  former,  what  seems  to  be 
the  name  of  a construction  A-k  a-n  u n-d  i-d  a m is  referred  to ; and  in  the  latter 
E-gi,  “the  house  of  the  enu,”  which  is  called  ki-ku  sag-hul-la  “the  joyous 
dwelling  place.”  In  his  restoration  of  the  building  he  mentions,  in  line  29, 
what  may  be  the  gis-kin  “oracle  place  of  that  house.”  If  this  should  prove 
to  be  correct,  the  details  referred  to  will  be  most  interesting.  It  seems  not 
unlikely  that  E-gi  was  the  sacerdotal  quarters  of  the  liigh-priest,  correspond- 
ing perhaps  to  E-gi-par  at  Ur,  see  Texts  Nos.  27  and  45.  Both  inscriptions  are 
cut  upon  the  same  kind  of  light  limestone.1 


dN  i n n i 
n i n-a-n  i-i  r 
AN-AM  sib-zid 
U nu(g)M-ga 
5 dumu-ki-ag 
dN  i n n i-g  e 
[u]d  e-a-ni  libir 
m u-u  n-g  i b i 1 
k i-b  i-n  e-g  e-a 
10  A-k  a-n  u n-d  i-d  a m 
m u-u  n-d  u 


To  Innina, 
his  lady, 

An-am,  the  true  shepherd 
of  Erech,  • 
the  beloved  son 
of  Innina, 

when  her  ancient  temple 
burned, 

he  restored  it  to  its  place, 
(and)  Akanundidam 
he  built. 


dN  i n n i 

n in-gal  E-an-na 
n i n-m  u-r  a 
AN-AM  sib-zid 
5 Unu(g)M-ga-ge 


To  Innina, 

the  great  lady  of  Eanna, 
my  lady, 

An-am,  the  true  shepherd 
of  Erech, 


1 Johns  in  AJSL  XXX,  p.  290,  published  a transliteration  and  translation  of  what 
he  regarded  an  imitation  of  an  inscription  which  was  in  the  hands  of  an  antiquity  dealer. 
His  transliteration  makes  the  writer  believe  it  was  the  above  which  he  saw,  or  an  imitation 
of  it.  His  translation  of  the  last  five  lines  follows:  “the(?)  of  her  house  . . . has 
repaired,  to  its  place  restored,  . . . built.”  If  Johns  regarded  it  an  imitation  perhaps  in 
this  instance  he  was  justified  in  publishing  it  without  the  consent  of  the  dealer. 


TWO  INSCRIPTIONS  OP  AN-AM 


47 


IGI+DUB  su-dim-ma 
s e g-g a dingir  dingir-ri 
dumn  ki-ag 
dN  i n n i a-m  e-e  n 
10  ud  e dingir  dingir-ri 
n i g-d  i m-d  i m 1 i b i r-r  a 
dU  r-dE  ngur 
dD  u n-g  i-r  a-g  e 
m u-u  n-g  i b i 1-a 
15  ki-bi  ne-ge-a 
e-gi(g)  e en-na 
k i-k  u s a g-li  u 1-1  a2-n  a 
la-la-bi-su  tum-ma 
m u-u  n-k  i-g  a r 
20  e-bil-kim 
h u-m  u-u-t  u 

gis  gal  gal-gal  erin 
gis  e-lam-ma-qu 
te-ka-ta  tum-a 
25  gis  gal  da-al 
s u-d  a-s  i-b  i 
sal  am  erin-ga 
du  zabar  gir  su-du 
me-ta  e-e-ge 
30  ba-ab-du 

e-ga  hu-mu-si(g)-si(g) 
galu  mu-sar-ra-ba 
s u-n  e-e  b-g  a-a 
m u-n  i 

35  ne-ib-sar-ri-a 
d i n g i r-g  a 1 
a-a  dingir-ri-e-ne 
dNinni  nin-an-ki-ge 
a s-h  u 1-b  i 
40  he-im-bal-es 


the  mighty  seer, 
the  obedient  one  of  the  gods, 
the  beloved  son 
of  Innina,  am  I. 

At  that  time,  the  house  of  the  gods, 
the  old  construction 
of  Ur-Engur 
and  Dungi, 

which  had  been  burned, 

its  place  I cleared  to  the  foundation. 

E-gi,  the  house  of  the  Enu  (high  priest), 

in  the  joyous  abode, 

unto  its  fullness  as  a dwelling 

I restored. 

Like  a new  house, 

I did  build. 

A great  door  of  cedar 
of  elammaqu  wood, 
te-ka-ta  tum-a; 
a wooden  swinging  door 
su-da-si-bi ; 
a statue  of  cedar, 
finished  with  bright  bronze  plate, 
the  oracle  place  of  that  house, 

I completed. 

In  the  temple  I did  establish. 

Whoever  this  inscription 
shall  remove, 

(or)  his  name 

he  shall  write  on  it, 

may  the  great  god, 

the  father  of  the  gods, 

and  Innina,  the  lady  of  heaven  and  earth, 

with  an  evil  curse 

destroy. 


2 The  text  reads  e n,  which  apparently  is  a mistake  of  the  scribe,  as  shown  by  a 
fragment  of  a duplicate,  which  reads  la. 


48 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


No.  37.  Kudukbu  Fragment  of  the  Isin  Dynasty. 

This  fragment  of  a large  boundary-stone  inscription,  in  limestone,  throws 
new  light  on  the  PA-SE  or  Isin  dynasty.  The  name  of  the  ruler  Marduk- 
sliapik-zerim  has  been  regarded  as  a shorter  form  of  the  name  Marduk-shapik- 
zer-mati,  and  as  representing  the  same  king.1  The  fragment  here  published 
proves  that  they  are  the  names  of  two  different  rulers,  and  it  also  furnishes 
evidence  to  show  that  the  former  ruled  prior  to  the  latter. 

It  is  clear  from  the  Synchronistic  History  that  the  following  rulers  reigned 
in  the  order  here  given:  Nebuchadnezzar  I,  Marduk-nadin-alihe,  Marduk-shapik- 
zer-mati,  and  Adad-apal-iddina.  The  close  sequence  of  the  first  three  has  been 
recognized.2  The  last  two  mentioned,  M arduk-shapik-zer-mati,  and  Adad-apal- 
iddina,  are  made  immediate  successors  by  the  Synchronistic  History,  which  is 
confirmed  by  the  chronicle  published  by  King  ( Citron . II,  59).  That  Marduk- 
nadin-alihe  followed  soon  after  Nebuchadnezzar  I,  both  Hinke  and  King  have 
demonstrated  by  showing  that  persons  mentioned  under  Nebuchadnezzar  are 
also  referred  to  under  Marduk-nadin-alihe.  In  this  connection  it  might  be 
added  that  the  scribe  Shapiku  of  the  present  text  (line  29),  seems  to  be  identical 
with  Shapiku,  the  surveyor  of  Rawlins  on  III,  41,  who  was  the  brother  of  one 
of  the  surveyors  mentioned  on  the  Nippur  stone,  published  by  Hinke.  In  short, 
the  interval  was  brief  between  Nebuchadnezzar  and  Marduk-nadin-alihe.  It  is, 
of  course,  not  conclusive  that  Marduk-shapik-zer-mati  succeeded  Marduk-nadin- 
alihe,  for  a short  reign  might  have  intervened.  The  Assyrian  king  Tiglathpi- 
leser,  who  was  a cotemporary  of  Marduk-nadin-alihe,  was  immediately  followed 
by  Ashur-bel-kala,  the  cotemporary  of  Marduk-shapik-zer-mati.  It  can,  there- 
fore, only  be  said  that  the  probability  is  that  the  succession  in  the  case  of  the 
Babylonians  was  immediate. 

The  only  reference  to  the  king  Marduk-shapik-zerim  known  until  recently3 
was  on  a fragment  of  a cylinder,  which  was  published  by  Jastrow  ZA  IV, 
301,  ff.  It  was  subsequently  published  by  Hilprecht  {BE  I 2,  No.  148),  who,  as 
stated  above,  regarded  the  king  identical  with  Marduk-shapik-zer-mati.  This 
has  generally  been  accepted,  but  must  be  given  up  as  determined  by  the  frag- 

1 Cf.  Rost  Untersuchungen,  p.  26,  note  1 ; and  Hilprecht  BE  I,  p.  44,  note  4.  Hil- 
precht regards  the  “m”  of  Marduk-sapik-zerim  as  a hypocoristic  ending;  cf.  his  editorial 
note  in  Ranke  BE  Series  D,  III,  p.  186. 

2 Cf.  Hinke  A New  Boundary  Stone,  p.  133  f. ; and  King  Babylonian  Boundary  Stones, 
p.  37,  note  4. 

3 Cf.  King  Babylonian  Boundary  Stones,  No.  XII,  p.  80. 


KUDURRU  OF  THE  ISIN  DYNASTY 


49 


ment  here  published,  which  is  dated  on  the  fourth  day  of  Nisan,  in  the  eighth  year 
of  Marduk-nadin-ahhe,  and  refers  to  the  twelfth  year  of  Marduk-shapik-zerim 
(line  4).  This,  of  course,  shows  that  the  latter  lived  prior  to  Marduk-nadin- 
ahhe,  and  cannot  be  the  same  as  Marduk-shapik-zer-mati,  who  ruled  later  than 
that  king,  as  we  have  seen  above. 

It  is  not  impossible  that  Marduk-shapik-zerim  intervened  between  Nebu- 
chadnezzar and  Marduk-nadin-ahhe ; but  taking  all  the  data  into  account,  it  seems 
more  probable  that  the  ruler  preceded  Nebuchadnezzar.  Since  he  ruled  at  least 
twelve  years,  he  could  not  have  been  the  second  king  of  the  dynasty,  who  only 
ruled  six  years  according  to  the  fragmentary  King-List.  And  since  there  are 
indications  that  the  name  of  the  first  ruler  of  the  dynasty  began  with  Marduk, 
the  king  Marduk-shapik-zerim  is  tentatively  placed  at  the  head  of  the  list, 
although  it  may  be  shown  later  that  he  was  the  third  king.4  Following  is  a 
proposed  reconstruction  of  the  dynasty. 

The  Isin(PA-SHE)  Dynasty. 

1.  17  years  Mard[uk-shapik-zerim]  (Highest  date  is  12tli  year).5 


2.  6 years  [ ] 

3-  [ ] 


4.  [.  . . . Nabu-kudurri-usur]  (Highest  date,  16th  year).0 

5.  [.  . . . Ellil-riadin-aplu]  (Highest  date,  4tli  year).7 

6.  [.  . . . Marduk-shapik-aljhe]  (Highest  date,  13th  year).8 

7.  [.  . . . Marduk-sliapik-zer-mati]. 

8.  22  years  [Adad-apal-iddina]  (Highest  date,  10th  year).9 

9-  1%  years  Marduk- [alilie-eriba]. 10 

10.  13  years  Marduk-zer-  [ ] . 

4 The  new  cylinder  of  Nabonidus  (see  Text  No.  45)  mentions  the  name  of  the  father 
of  Nebuchadnezzar  I,  who  is  known  from  another  source,  see  Strassmaier  Ilebraica  IX,  p.  5. 
In  both  passages  Enmastu-nadin-sum  is  not  referred  to  as  a king,  confirming  the  idea  that 
has  been  proposed  that  Nebuchadnezzar  established  a new  line. 

5 Line  4 of  the  present  text  refers  to  the  12tli  year. 

6 Ilinke  Kudurru  Inscriptions,  p.  27,  Col.  V : 26. 

7 See  BE  I,  83  : ob.  9. 

8 Sayce  “Warwick  Kudurru,”  PSBA  XIX,  p.  71:18. 

3 Hilpreclit  Explorations  in  Bible  Lands,  p.  519.  According  to  King  Chronicles  II, 
p.  59,  note  2,  he  was  a usurper,  the  son  of  Itti-Marduk-balatu. 

10  Following  Hommel  ( Sitzungsberichte  der  Konigl.  bohm,  1901,  pp.  18,  24),  and 
Hinke  (A  New  Boundary  Stone,  p.  134),  this  king,  known  from  BE  I 2,  149,  is  tentatively 
placed  as  the  9th  ruler, 


MISCELLANE(  )US  INSCRIPTIONS 


50 


11.  9 years  Nabu-slium-[li-bur]  (Highest  date,  9th  year).11 

132  (years),12  6 months,  11  kings,  dynasty  of  Isin. 

No.  38.  Building  Inscription  of  Sargon. 

This  cylinder,  which  has  been  presented  to  the  Collection  by  the  Rev.  Dr. 
and  Mrs.  J.  B.  Nies,  contains  an  account  of  the  building  operations  of  Sargon, 
King  of  Assyria  (721-706  B.  C.),  in  restoring  the  temple  Eanna  at  Erecli.  The 
inscription  was  found  in  that  city  during  recent  activity  on  the  part  of  Arab 
diggers.  Dungi  is  credited  in  the  inscription  with  having  built  Eanna.  The 
inscription  of  An-am  of  Erecli  gives  this  credit  to  Ur-Engur,  as  well  as  to 
Dungi,  see  Text  No.  36,  but  there  is  every  reason  for  believing  that  the  fane  is 
very  ancient.  This  finds  support  in  the  fact  that  in  the  recently  published  text 
giving  the  early  Babylonian  dynasties  ( UMBS  V,  2,  11:3),  the  second  known 
kingdom  is  called  “the  Eanna  kingdom.” 

The  text  contains  an  interesting  grammatical  point.  The  enclitic  verbal 
copula  ma,  which  is  known  to  appear  occasionally  in  other  texts  as  me,  mi  and 
mu,  is  here  regularly  changed  to  mi  and  mu  under  certain  conditions.  Follow- 
ing a consonant,  ma  is  used;  cf.  ik-lim-ma,  is-suli-ma,  etc.,  but  following  a 
vowel,  the  enclitic  takes  the  same  vowel  to  wliidi  it  is  appended;  cf.  u-se-pi- 
su-mu,  i-qu-pu-mu,  us-sar-ri-liu-u-mu,  ik-kip-su-nu-mu,  id-di-i-mi,  and  ul-li-mi. 
In  case  the  vowel  is  e,  ma  is  retained;  cf.  is-te-’-e-ma  and  li-sad-de-ma.  In  the 
instance  of  lis-sa-riq-sum-mu,  the  vowel  u is  naturally  regarded  as  preceding, 
as  the  sharpening  of  the  consonant,  which  immediately  follows,  is  due  to  the 
accent. 

If  the  last  few  lines  are  correctly  translated  a copy  of  this  inscription  was 
carried  to  the  king’s  palace  in  Assyria  by  Sargon. 

TRANSLITERATION. 

I.  [A-na  d I star]  be-lit  matdtimeS  ti-iz-qar  ilanimeS 
[ bu-su-um-ti]  i-la-a-ti 
[.  . . . a-]bu-bu  iz-zu  suk-lu-tu 

11  Cf.  King  PSBA  XXIX,  p.  221,  and  Chronicles  II,  p.  159. 

12  On  the  reading,  132  years,  instead  of  72,  cf.  Winckler  Untersuchungen,  p.  147. 
Although  nothing  is  known  of  the  years  of  two  of  the  kings,  by  adding  together  the 
highest  number  known  for  the  rest,  we  have  now  at  least  101  years  and  6 months  for  the 
dynasty  accounted  for. 


BUILDING  INSCRIPTION  OF  SARGON 


51 


[ ]za-’-na-at 

5 [.  . . . za]-kar-ti  sag-ga-bur-tu 

[ ] pul-ha-a-ti 

[ \u-sat  bu-ru-mu 

[ \ih-zu-su-un  . . . ta-at 

[ ]sa  as-rum  ( ? ) 

]0  [ pa-qa-da-at ] sib-tu  u purussu 
[mus-t e-si-rat]  su-luh-hu 

[ E ]-azag  sa  hi-rib  Uruhki 

[ be-el-ti  rabi]-tum  belti-i-su 

[Scir-u-hin  sar  mdtA]sur  sar  hissati  sakkanak  Bdbiliki 
15  [sar  Su-me]ri  u Akkadiki  rubu  za-a-nin  sa 

[ se-bi-e  lit-tu-ti]-su  araku  u-me-su  la-bar  pali-su 
[ ku-un  i:)kussi]-su  sa-kap  nakiri-i-sa 
[E-an-n]a  sa  dDun-gi  sarru  mali-ru 
u-se-pi-su-mu  il-li-ku  la-ba-ris 
20  biti  su-a-tum  bit  libndtimeS-su  i-qu-pu-mu 
up-ta-at-ti-ru  rik-su-u-tim 
sa-met-su  us-sar-ri-hu-u-mu 
ih-tam-mi-mu  ti-mi-en-su 
ina  libbi  sarrdnimeS  a-lik  mah-ru 
25  la  ib-bal-ki-tu  epes(-es)  sip-ri-su 

i-nu-su  Sar-u-kin  sar  mdtAsur  sar  kissati 
sakkanak  Bdbiliki  ni-sit  dAsar-ri 
belu  rabu-u  dMarduk  uznd  sir-ti  is-ruq-sum-ma 
u-rap-pi-is  ha-si-is-su 
30  [s]a  ud-du-su  ma-ha-zu  u es-ri-e-ti 

kal  ildnimeS  na-du-tu  sa  mdtAkkadiki  uzuna-su  ik-lim-ma 
as-rat  E-an-na  su-bat  dlstar  belit  matdti  belti-i-su 
is-te-’-e-ma 

bit  libitti  E-an-na  ki-da-a-nu 
35  sa  ki-sal-li  sap-li-i 

sa-met-su  is-suh-ma  innamir(-ir)  te-mi-en-su 
ina  aldnimeS-su  ina  te-mi-ki  ik-ri-bu 
u la-ba-a-nu  ap-pi  id-di-i-mi 
tim-mi-en-su  ina  i-rat  ki-gal-la 
40  u-sar-si-id  sa-du-u-u-a-is 


MISCELLANE(  )US  INSCRIPTIONS 


II.  ina  si-plr  dMur  amd,I)IM- GA L-LA 
u um-me-e  mu-di-e  sip-ri 
ina  libitti-"'1  elli-tim  resume-su  ul-li-mi 
u-sak-li-il  si-pi-ir-su 
5 eli  sa  pa-an  u-sa-tir-ma 
us-te-si-ra  u-su-ra-a-ti 
ana  sat-ti  sip-ru  sa-a-su  dIstar  belit  matati 
Uadis  ( -is ) lip-pa-lis-ma 
a-na  Sa / '-uk  ina  ( -na ) sarm°‘Asurki 
10  sar  hissati  saUhanak  Babiliki 
sar  za-a-nin  sa  lis-ruq  baldta 
ma-Uar  Marduk  sar  ildnimeS 
damiqti-su  lit-taz-kar 
ina  sa-as-mu  u ta-ha-su 
15  lil-lik  ri-su-u-su 

kakkemcS  lim-nu-ti-su  li-sab-bir-ma 
li-im-sa-a  ma-la  lib-bu-us 
gi-mir  ma-al-ku  la  kan-su-nu-ti-su 
li-sak-ni-sa  se-pu-us-su 
20  ina  ki-bit  dIstar  na-ram-ti  bcl  ilanimei 
li-i§-si-ip  bu-’-a-ru 
baldtu  umemcS  arkdti  tu-ub  lib-bu 
na-mar  ka-bat-ti  lis-sa-riq-sum-mu 
li-ri-iq  pa-lu-u-sum 
25  isid  i?kussi-su  ana  u-mi  sa-a-ti 
li-sar-sid-ma  li-ma-  ’-ir 
kib-ra-a-ti 

sa  sabemcS  kidin  su-bar-e  ildnimeS  rabutimei 
ma-al-ku-ut-su-nu  li-tib-bu-us 
30  sa  su-ba-ri-e-su-nu-u-tu  ina  pali-su 
a-a  ib-ba-si  e-sid-su-un 
e-gi-it-su-nu  li-sad-de-ma 
li-pa-as-si-is  hi-te-it-su-un 
sah-mas-tum  lu-u  ik-kip-su-nu-mu 
35  li-sa-li-is  kab-ta-at-su-un 
ki-ma  mu  ....  na  Urukkl 
u E-an-na 


BUILDING  INSCRIPTION  OF  SARGON 


53 


li-ku-u-na  is-da-su-un 
gab-id  mu-sar-e 
40  su-bul-tim  ekalli  m&tAsurki 
sa-tir-ma  baru(Sl-GAN) 


TRANSLATION. 

I.  To  Istar,  tlie  lady  of  lands,  the  exalted  of  the  gods. 

[the  pleasant  one]  of  the  goddesses. 

mighty  storm,  the  clever  one, 

the  good  (or  caring  one), 

5 the  mighty  heroine, 

in  terribleness, 

support  of  the  firmament, 

their  contents  ( ? ) 

of  the  place  ( ? ) 

10  [who  governs  ] the  sceptre  and  decree, 

[who  directs]  the  ceremonies  of 
E . . . . azag,  which  is  in  Erech, 
the  great  lady,  his  mistress, 

Sargon,  king  of  Assyria,  king  of  hosts,  ruler  of  Babylon, 

15  king  of  Sumer  and  Accad,  the  restoring  prince,  who, 

[to  make  abundant  his  posterity],  to  prolong  his  days,  to  len; 
[to  establish  his  throne],  to  overthrow  his  enemies, 

Eanna,  which  Dungi,  a former  king, 
had  constructed,  and  which  had  become  old, 

20  that  house,  its  brick  construction  had  disintegrated,  and 
the  casings  had  opened ; 
its  rampart  he  strengthened,  and 
made  secure  its  foundation. 

Among  the  kings  who  went  before, 

25  they  had  not  destroyed  the  plan  of  its  construction; 

At  that  time  Sargon,  king  of  Assyria,  king  of  hosts, 
ruler  of  Babylon,  the  favorite  of  the  god  Asarri  (or  Uri), 
the  great  god  Marduk,  gave  it  careful  attention,  and 
extended  his  consideration 
30  who  for  renewing  of  the  city  and  ruined  shrines 
of  all  the  gods  of  Accad,  gave  attention,  and 


then  his 
[reign, 


54 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


tlie  shrine  of  Eanna,  the  dwelling  place  of  Islitar,  the  lady  of  lands,  his 
was  mindful  of,  and  [mistress, 

the  brick  construction  of  Eanna,  the  protection 
35  of  the  lower  platform, 

its  rampart,  he  tore  out,  and  exposed  its  foundation. 

In  its  cities  they  prayed  with  fervor, 
and  with  prostrations  he  pulled  (it)  down. 

Its  foundation  in  the  breast  of  the  higallu 
40  he  established  like  unto  a mountain. 

II.  At  the  command  of  the  god  Mur,  the  chief  builder, 
and  the  wise  workmen  of  the  construction, 
raised  with  bright  bricks  its  turrets,  and 
finished  its  work. 

5 More  than  before  he  enlarged  (it),  and 
planned  the  lines. 

Forever,  upon  the  work  itself  may  Islitar,  the  lady  of  lands, 

look  joyfully;  and 

for  Sargon  the  king  of  Assyria, 

10  king  of  hosts,  ruler  of  Babylon, 

the  restoring  king,  whom  may  she  grant  life, 
before  Marduk,  king  of  gods, 
let  his  pious  acts  be  remembered. 

In  fight,  and  battle 
15  may  she  go  to  his  help. 

the  arms  of  his  adversaries  may  he  break,  and 
may  he  obtain  what  is  in  his  heart. 

All  the  princes  who  are  his  unsubmissive  ones, 
may  he  subdue  to  his  feet. 

20  By  the  word  of  Islitar,  the  beloved  of  the  lord  of  gods, 
may  he  reap  joy  of  life. 

May  long  life,  goodness  of  heart 

brightness  of  disposition  be  presented  him;  and 

may  his  reign  be  long. 

25  The  foundation  of  his  throne  for  future  days, 
may  he  establish;  and  may  he  govern 
the  quarters. 

As  regards  the  protecting  soldiers  of  the  shubaru  of  the  great  gods, 


BUILDING  INSCRIPTION  OF  SARGON 


may  tlieir  administration  please  him. 

30  Concerning  those  shubaru,  in  his  reign, 
whose  disposition  truly  is  not  so, 
may  their  sin  become  known 
and  may  he  forgive  their  shortcoming. 
Revulsion  verily  hath  overcome  them,  and 
35  may  it  gladden  their  feelings ; 
like  the  mu  . . . na  of  Erech 
and  Eanna, 

may  their  character  be  firm. 

A duplicate  of  the  cylinder, 

40  intended  for  the  palace  of  Assyria, 
is  written,  and  inspected. 


No.  39.  Dream  Portending  Favor  for  Nabonidus  and  Belshazzar. 

This  small  unbaked  tablet  contains  the  interpretation  of  a dream  which 
betokens  favor  for  Nabonidus,  the  king,  and  Belshazzar,  the  son  of  the  king. 
It  is  another  illustration  of  the  fact  that  Belshazzar,  well  known  from  the  Old 
Testament,  was  peculiarly  identified  with  his  father  Nabonidus  in  his  reign, 
as  shown  by  the  fragmentary  chronicle  that  has  been  preserved. 


I-na  arlmTebitu  umu  I5kan  sattu  7kan 
dN  abu-nd’id  sar  Babiliki  mSum-uMn 

i-qab-bi  um-ma  mul-gal  dDil-bat 
mul-hak-si-di  dSin  u dSamas 
ina  su-ut-ti-ia  a-ta-mar  u a-na 
dum-qi  sa  dN abu-nd’id  sar  Babilikl 
b el-id  u a-na  dum-qi 
sa  mdBel-sar-usur  mar  sarri 
bel-ia  uz-ni  li-is-su-nu-tu 
umu  17kan  sa  arlJUTebitu  sattu  7kan 
dN abu-nd’id  sar  Bdbilikl  mSum-ukin 

i-qab-bi  um-ma  mul-gal 

a-ta-mar  u dum-qi 

sa  mN abu-nd’id  sar  Babilikl 


In  the  month  Tebet,  day  15th,  year  7th 
of  Nabonidus,  king  of  Babylon,  Shum 
ukin 

says  as  follows : the  great  star,  Venus, 
Kaksidi,  the  moon,  and  the  sun 
in  my  dream  I saw,  and  for 
favor  of  Nabonidus,  king  of  Babylon, 
my  lord,  and  for  favor 
of  Belshazzar,  the  son  of  the  king, 
my  lord,  may  my  ear  attend  to  them. 

On  the  17th  day  of  Tebet,  year  7th 
of  Nabonidus,  king  of  Babylon,  Shum- 
ukin 

says  as  follows : the  great  star 
I saw,  and  the  favor 
of  Nabonidus,  king  of  Babylon, 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


5G 

beli-id  u dum-qi  sa  mdBel-sar-usur  my  lord,  and  the  favor  of  Belshazzar, 

mar  sarri  beli-id  uz-ni  li-is  the  son  of  the  king,  my  lord,  may  my  ear 

attend. 


Nos.  40  AND  41.  Two  CYLINDERS  OP  ESARIIADDON. 

The  two  new  inscriptions  of  Esarliaddon,  king  of  Assyria  (680-6G9  B.  C.), 
were  found  at  Warka,  the  ancient  city  of  Erech,  in  Southern  Babylonia.  They 
refer  to  the  building  operations  of  the  monarch  in  that  city.  The  cylinders 
are  written  in  Assyrian,  and  are  beautiful  examples  of  the  work  of  the  scribe. 

The  first  one,  which  is  only  partially  baked,  refers  to  the  restoration  of 
Eshargubanna,  the  shrine  of  the  goddess  Nana;  and  the  other,  which  is  thor- 
oughly baked,  to  the  restoration  of  E nergalanna,1  the  shrine  of  the  goddess 
Islitar,  both  of  which  were  in  the  temple  Eanna,  the  chief  sanctuary  of  Erech. 
The  former  cylinder  credits  the  Cassite  ruler  Nazi-Maraddash,  of  the  second 
millennium,  B.  C.,  with  having  built  the  shrine,  but  in  the  historical  inscrip- 
tion of  Asliurbanipal  this  king  informs  ns  that  after  he  brought  Nana  back 
from  Elam,  to  which  country  she  had  been  taken  by  Kudur-Nakkundi  1635  years 
earlier,  he  restored  her  to  the  shrine  she  loved,-  Eshargubanna.  There  can  be 
little  doubt  but  that  the  shrine  was  very  ancient,  and  perhaps  rebuilt  by  Nazi- 
Maraddash.  The  present  text  shows  that  during  this  period  of  her  absence  she 
was  not  without  representation  in  her  shrine  at  Erech. 

The  second  text  shows  that  the  character,  registered  by  Briinnow  Sign  List 
No.  951,  has  the  value  ta,  which  is  determined  from  its  occurrence  in  the  words 
ta-ha-zi  (lines  4 and  19)  and  ma-qit-ta-su  (line  13).  The  perpendicular  wedge 
in  Babiluki  in  line  19  of  the  first  text  seems  to  have  the  value  ilu,  or  else  the 
scribe  has  made  a mistake. 

TRANSLITERATION. 

A-na  dNa-na-a  sar-rat  Urukki  beltu  rabi-ti  belti-su 
mAsur-ah-iddina(-na)  sar  ma*Asur  sakkanak  Babilikl 
sar  mdtSu-me-ri  u Akkadiki  mus-te-’-u  as-rat  ildnimeS  rabutimeS 
ba-nu-u  bit  dAsur  e-pis  E-sag-ila  u Bdbilikl 
5 mu-ud-dis  E-an-na  mu-sak-lil  es-rit  kul-lat  ma-ha-zi 
sdi  ina  qir-bi-si-na  is-tak-ka-nu  si-ma-a-ti 
ka-sid  ul-tu  tam-tim  e-li-ti  a-di  tam-tim  sap-li-ti 


1 Cf . also  BA  III,  p.  260  : 6. 


TWO  CYLINDERS  OF  ESARHADDON 


57 

sd  gi-mir  ma-li-Tci  u-sak-ni-su  se-pu-us-su 
mar  mdSin-ahemeS-eriba  sar  mdtAsur  mar  mSar-ukin  sar  mdtAsur 
10  sakkanak  Bdbiliki  sar  mdtSu-me-ri  u Akkadikl 
E-sdr-gub-an-na  bit  pa-pah  dNa-na-a  belti-ia 
sd  mN  a-zi-mar  ad-das  sar  Bdbilik'  i-pu-su 
mE ri-ba-Mar-duk  sar  BdbiliH  u-ki-es-su-u 1 
la-ba-ris  il-lik-ma  ma-qit-ti  ir-si 
15  as-ra-ti-su  as-te-’  ina  a-gur-ri  utuni  elli-tim 
ma-qit-ta-su  ak-sir  qatd  dNa-na-a  belti-ia 
as-bat-ma  a-na  qir-bi-su  u-se-rib  su-bat  da-rat  u-sar-me 
si-pir  sa-a-su  dNa-na-a  ha-dis  ina  nap-lu-si-sa 
i-a-a-ti  mdAsur-ah-iddina  sar  mdtAsur  sar  Bdbiliki 
20  a-mat  damiqti-ia  ina  ma-har  dNabu  beli-id  lis-sa-kin  sap-tus-sa 
sd  su-me  sat-ru  ina  si-pir  ni-kil-ti  i-pa-as-si-tu 
mu-sar-u-a  i-ab-bat  lu-u  a-sar-su  u-nak-ka-ru 
dNa-na-a  ag-gis  lik-kil-me-su-ma  sumi-su  zeri-su  lu-hal-liq 

TRANSLATION. 

To  Nana,  tlie  queen  of  Erech,  the  great  lady,  his  lady,  ■ 

Esarhaddon,  king  of  Assyria,  king  of  Babylon, 

king  of  Sumer  and  Accad,  the  one  mindful  of  the  shrines  of  the  great  gods, 
the  builder  of  the  temple  of  Ashur,  the  maker  of  Esagil  and  Babylon, 

5 the  restorer  of  Eanna,  the  one  who  completes  the  shrines  of  all  cities, 
who  in  their  midst  established  the  insignia ; 
the  conqueror,  who  from  the  upper  sea  unto  the  lower  sea, 
caused  all  princes  to  submit  to  his  feet; 

son  of  Sennacherib,  king  of  Assyria,  son  of  Sargon,  king  of  Assyria, 

10  ruler  of  Babylon,  king  of  Sumer  and  Accad ; 

Eshargubanna,  the  bit  pa-pah  (or  shrine)  of  the  goddess  Nana,  my  lady, 
which  Nazi-Maraddash,  king  of  Babylon,  built,  (and) 

Eriba-Marduk,  king  of  Babylon,  strengthened, 
had  become  old,  and  had  fallen  into  a ruin. 

15  1 searched  for  its  lines.  With  bright  kiln-baked  bricks, 

I repaired  its  ruins.  The  hands  of  Nana,  my  lady, 

I seized,  and  caused  to  enter  into  its  midst.  An  eternal  dwelling  place  I 
caused  (her)  to  occupy. 


1 It  would  seem  that  ki  is  a mistake  for  di. 


58 


M ISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


Upon  the  work  itself,  may  Nana,  in  her  beholding  it  joyfully, 
for  me,  Esarhaddon,  king  of  Assyria,  king  of  Babylon, 

20  the  mention  of  my  pious  acts  before  Nebo,  my  lord,  let  be  upon  her  lips. 

The  one,  who  obliterates  my  written  name  through  a work  of  malevolence, 
shall  destroy  my  inscription,  or  change  its  place, 

may  Nana  angrily  look  upon  him,  and  utterly  destroy  his  name  (and)  his 
seed. 


TRANSLITERATION. 

A-na  dIstar  Urukki  e-til-lit  same-e  u irsi-tim  qa-rit-ti  ilanimeS  sir-ti 
beltu  sur-bu-tu  ha-me-mat  pa-ra-as  dA-num-tu  sd  na-gab  su-luh-hu  su-up-qu- 
ud-du  qa-tus-sa 

sa-nu-kat  i-la-a-te  sd  ina  ir-me  a-nu  u ki-gal-li  sur-ru-hu  zik-ru-sa 
i-lat  qabli  u ta-ha-zi  a-li-kat  i-di  sarri  mi-gir-i-sa  mu-ra-as-si-bat  ga-ri-e-su 
5 a-si-bat  E-ner-gdl-an-na  sd  ki-rib  E-an-na  belit  Urukki  beltu  rabi-ti  belti-su 
md  Asur-ah-iddina(-na)  sar  kissdti  sar  mC,tAsurki  sakkanak  Bdbiliki  sar  mdtSu- 
me-ri  u Akkadiki 

sarru  sah-tu  mus-te-’-u  as-ra-a-ti  %ldnimei  rabutimeS  pa-lih  bel  bele 
ba-nu-u  bit  dAsur  e-pis  E-sag-ila,  u Babiliki  za-nin  E-zi-da 
mu-ud-dis  E-an-na  mu-sak-lil  es-ri-e-ti  ma-hd-zi  sd  ina  ki-rib-si-na  is-tak- 
ka-mu  sima-a-ti 

10  mar  mdSin-aJiemeS-eriba  sar  kissati  sar  m&tAsurH  mar  mSar-ukin  sar 
mStAsurki  sakkanak  Bdbilikt  sar  mat8ii-me-ri  u Akkadikl 
E-ner-gdl-an-na  bit  pa-pa-hi  dIs-tar  belti-ia  sd  ki-rib  E-an-na 
sd  sar  mah-ri  i-pu-su  la-ba-ris  il-li-ku  mi-qit-ti  ir-si 
as-ra-ti-su  as-te-’  ina  a-gur-ri  utunu  elli-tim  ma-qit-ta-su  ak-se-ir 
qdtd  dIstar  Urukki  belti  rabi-ti  as-bat-ma  a-na  ki-rib-su  u-se-rib  su-bat  da-ra- 
a-te  u-sar-me 

15  niqemeS  tas-ri-ih-ti  aq-qi  us-tam-zi-ih  si-ga-ar-sa 

dIstar  TJrukki  beltu  sir-ti  ina  ki-rib  bit  pa-pa-hi  su-a-te  ha-di-is  ina  a-sa-bi-ki 
ia-a-ti  mdAsur-ah-iddina(-na)  sar  mC,tAsurki  a-mat  damiqti-ia  lis-sa-kin  sap- 
tuk-ki 

balat (TIL-LA)  umemeS  ruqutime s se-bi-e  lit-tu-tu  tu-ub  siri  u hu-ud  lib-bi 
si-i-me  si-ma-ti 

ina  qab-lu  u ta-lia-zi  i-da-ai-i  tas-mur-ma  kul-lat  na-ki-ri-ia  lu  me  is-qul 
ba-qir 

20  ma-ti-ma  ina  ah-rat  umeme  rubu  arku-u  sd  ina  pali-su  bit  pa-pa-hi  su-a-te 
in-na-hu  an-lm-us-su  lu-ud-dis 


TWO  CYLINDERS  OP  ESARHADDON 


59 


su-me  it-ti  su-me-su  lis-tur  mu-sar-ru-u  si-tir  sumi-ia  samna  lip-su-us  niqd 
liqqi(qi)  it-ti  mu-sar-e-su  lis-kun 

ik-ri-bi-su  ildnimeS  i-sim-mu-u  sd  su-me  sat-ru  ina  si-pir  ni-kil-ti  i-pa-as-si-tu 
mu-sar-ru-u-a  i-ab-bat  lu-u  a-sar-su  u-nak-ka-ru 
dIstar  UrukH  ag-gis  lik-kil-me-su-ma  si-mat  li-mut-tu  li-sim-su 
25  sumi-su  zeri-su  ina  mdti  li-hal-lik-ma  a-a  ir-si-su  ri-e-me 


TRANSLATION. 

To  Islitar  of  Erecli,  princess  of  heaven  and  earth,  the  valiant  one  of  the 
gods,  the  distinguished  one, 

the  majestic  lady,  who  governs  the  decisions  of  the  gods,  whose  hands 
superintend  all  the  rites, 

the  princess  of  the  goddesses,  whose  word  is  mighty  in  the  dwelling  of 
heaven  and  earth, 

the  goddess  of  battle  and  warfare,  who  goes  by  the  side  of  the  king,  her 
favorite  one,  the  terrible  one  of  his  enemies, 

5 who  dwells  in  Energalanna,  which  is  in  Eanna,  the  mistress  of  Erech,  the 
great  mistress,  his  lady, 

Esarhaddon,  the  king  of  hosts,  king  of  Assyria,  the  ruler  of  Babylon,  king 
of  Sumer  and  Accad, 

the  pious  king,  who  is  mindful  of  the  shrines  of  the  great  gods,  who 
reverences  the  lord  of  lords, 

the  constructor  of  the  temple  of  Ashur,  the  maker  of  Esagila  and  Babylon, 
the  caretaker  of  Ezida, 

the  restorer  of  Eanna,  who  completes  the  sacred  places  of  the  cities,  who 
established  the  insignia  in  their  midst, 

10  the  son  of  Sennacherib,  king  of  hosts,  king  of  Assyria,  son  of  S argon,  king 
of  Assyria,  ruler  of  Babylon,  king  of  Sumer  and  Accad, 

Energalanna,  the  sanctuary  Islitar,  my  lady,  which  is  in  Eanna, 
which  a former  king  had  built,  had  become  old,  and  had  become  dilapidated, 
I sought  out  its  position.  With  bright  kiln-bricks  its  ruins  I repaired, 
the  hands  of  Islitar  of  Erech,  the  great  lady,  I seized,  and  caused  to  enter  it, 
an  eternal  dwelling  place  I made  (her)  inhabit. 

15  Immense  sacrifices  I offered;  I purified  its  enclosure. 

Oh,  Islitar  of  Erech,  exalted  lady,  in  thy  dwelling  joyfully  in  that  shrine, 
for  me,  Esarhaddon,  king  of  Assyria,  let  a word  of  my  piety  be  upon  thy  lips. 


60 


M ISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


Life  of  long-  days,  plenty  of  posterity,  health  of  body,  and  joy  of  heart, 
assign  as  my  destiny. 

In  strife  and  battle  do  thou  guard  my  sides,  and  all  my  enemies  . . . 

20  When  in  future  days  a later  prince,  who,  in  his  reign  that  sanctuary  lias 
disintegrated,  may  he  restore  its  ruins. 

Let  him  write  my  name  with  his  name.  The  cylinder,  the  inscription  of  my 
name,  let  him  anoint  with  oil;  a sacrifice  let  him  offer;  with  his 
cylinder  let  him  place  (it). 

The  gods  will  hear  his  prayer.  The  one  who  obliterates  my  written  name 
through  a work  of  malevolence, 

who  shall  destroy  my  cylinder,  or  change  its  place, 

may  Ishtar  of  Erech  angrily  look  upon  him,  and  assign  him  an  evil  destiny. 

25  His  name,  his  seed  in  the  land,  may  she  destroy,  and  not  grant  him  mercy 

No.  43.  Mortuary  Inscription. 

The  small  baked  clay  cylinder,  containing  a mortuary  inscription,  exhibits 
the  consideration  shown  by  Ashur-etil-ilani,  king  of  Assyria  (626-618  B.  C.), 
for  the  remains  of  Shamash-ibni,  apparently  one  of  his  officers,  in  having  them 
sent  to  his  native  town,  Bit-Dakur,  and  placed  in  a room  of  the  fortress.  The 
cylinder  was  said1  to  have  been  found  at  a site  called  “Tel  Khaled  a few  miles 
to  the  southeast  of  Hilla,  near  the  present  course  of  the  Euphrates.”  Kiepert’s 
map  Ruinenf elder  von  Babylon  does  not  show  such  a site.  If,  however,  the 
provenance  given  is  correct,  it  perhaps  would  be  an  indication  that  Tel  Khaled 
represents  the  ancient  town  Bit-Dakur. 

TRANSLITERATION. 

KimaJihu  sa  mdSamas-ib-ni  mar  mDa-ku-ru(l)  sa  mdAsur-etil-ildnimeS  sar 
m5tAsur 

ri-e-mu  ir-sa-as-sum-ma  ul-tu  ki-rib[sade\-e  a-na  biti  mDa-kur  mdti-su 

u-bil-la-as-sum-ma  ina  kimahhi  ina  ki-rib  biti  sa  duri  sa  la  di-ni  u-sa-as- 

li-lll-SU 

man-mi  at-ta  lu-u  amHsak-nu  lu-u  amHsa-pi-ru  lu-u  da-ai-nu 
5 lu-u  rubu  sa  ina  mati  is-sak-ka-nu  a-na  kimahhi  u e-si-it-ti 

su-a-ti  la  ta-ha-at-tu  a-sar-su  u-sur  . 

1 The  dealer  from  whom  the  inscription  was  purchased  had  a second,  hut  very  frag- 
mentary copy.  It  was  stated  also  that  a third  had  been  sold  in  Bagdad. 


MORTUARY  INSCRIPTION 


61 


si-il-li  ta-a-bi  e-li-su  tu-ru-us 

a-na  su-a-ti  dMarduk  belli  rabu-u  pa-li-e-Jca  lu-ur-riq 
su-lul-su  ta-a-bu  e-li-ka  li-is-kun 

10  [sumi]-ka  seri-ka  ii  ba-la-tn  u-me-ka  arkuti 

sum-ma  rubu  su-ii  lu-u  amelsak-nu  lu-u  amelsa-pi-ru  lu-u  da-ai-nu 
lu-u  sakkanak  sa  ina  mdti  ib-ba-as-su-u 
a-na  kimahhi  u e-si-it-ti  su-a-ti  i-ha-at-tu-u 
a-sar-su  u-nak-ka-ri  a-na  a-sar  sa-nam-ma  i-liq-qu-u 
15  u man-ma  a-na  li-mut-tum  u-sad-ba-bu-su-ma  i-sim-mu-u 

dMarduk  belu  rabu-u  sumi-su  zeri-su  pir’emeS-su  u,  na-an-nap-su 
i-na  pi-i  niseme§  li-hal-liq 

dNabu  sa-ni-iq2  mit-har-ti  mi-na-a-ta  u-me-su  arkutimei  li-kar-ri 
dNergal  ina  ti-’  sib-tu  u sag-ga-as-ti 
20  la  i-gam-mi-il  nap-sat-su 


TRANSLATION. 

The  coffin  of  Shamash-ibni,  the  Dakurite,  to  whom  Ashur-etil-ilani,  king  of 
Assyria, 

showed  favor,  and  from  [the  mountains]  to  Bit-Dalmr,  his  land, 
brought  him,  and  in  a sarcophagus  in  the  house  of  the  fortress,  without 
contention,  caused  him  to  rest. 

Whoever  thou  art,  whether  a prefect,  or  a ruler,  or  a judge, 

5 or  a prince,  who  art  established  in  the  land,  against  that  sarcophagus  and 

esitti  (remains!) 

thou  shalt  not  commit  sin.  Its  place  protect, 
good  shelter  spread  over  it. 

For  that,  may  Marduk  the  great  lord  lengthen  thy  reign, 
place  his  good  protection  over  thee. 

10  Thy  [name]  thy  seed,  and  life  of  thy  future  days,  [may  he 

If  a prince,  himself,  or  a prefect,  or  a ruler,  or  a judge, 
or  a viceroy,  who  comes  to  the  land, 
sin  against  that  sarcophagus  and  esitti, 
alter  its  place,  remove  to  another  place, 

2 Jensen  Cosmology,  p.  470,  translates  a title  of  dNIN-lB  written  sdniq  mitharti  “der 
da  zuschliesst  die  Tiir”.  See  also  Mnss-Arnolt  Die.,  p.  622.  As  mahiru  means  “rival,” 
mahirtu  “opposite”  and  mihru  “adversity”  it  is  reasonable  to  assume  that  mithartu  or 
mithurtu  means  “adversary”  in  sa-ni-iq  mit-har-ti,  the  above  title  of  Nebo.  It  seems 
“door”  does  not  fit  in  either  case. 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


62 

15  or  someone  incite  him  to  evil,  and  lie  hearken, 

may  Marduk,  the  great  lord,  his  name,  his  seed,  his  offspring,  his 
descendants, 

destroy  in  the  mouth  of  the  peoples. 

May  Nebo,  the  oppressor  of  the  adversary,  shorten  the  number  of  his  future 
days. 

May  Nergal  from  misery,  pestilence,  and  calamity 
20  not  protect  his  life. 

No.  44.  Cylinder  of  Nebuchadnezzar  II.  604-561.  B.  C. 

Several  fragments  of  a duplicate  of  this  baked  cylinder  are  to  be  found  in 
the  British  Museum.  Winckler,  in  1887,  published  the  text  of  these  fragments 
in  ZA  II,  p.  137  ft.,  and  subsequently  the  translation,  KB  IIP,  64  f.  A consid- 
erable portion  of  the  second  column,  besides  passages  of  the  first,  are  missing. 
The  cylinder  in  the  Yale  Collection,  here  published,  is  complete.  A duplicate 
also  is  found  in  the  possession  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  J.  B.  Nies  of  Brooklyn. 

The  provenance  of  the  inscription  was  said  to  be  Wanna-Sedoum,  which 
is  doubtless  correct,  for  this  site  represents  Marad,  see  page  9,  and  the  inscrip- 
tion refers  to  the  restoration  of  E-igi-kalama,  the  temple  of  Shar-Maradda, 
in  Marad.  In  the  account  of  his  work  on  the  temple,  Nebuchadnezzar  informs 
ns  that  he  searched  for  and  beheld  the  foundation  or  foundation-stone  of  Naram- 
Sin,  his  ancient  ancestor.  At  the  same  site  the  Arabs  found  inscribed  stones 
of  this  ruler,  who  lived  several  millenniums  prior  to  the  time  of  Nebuchadnezzar 
(see  No.  10,  and  Plate  II). 

TRANSLITERATION. 

I.  dN a-bi-um-hu-du-ur-ri-u-su-ur 
sar  Babiliki 

ri-e-a-um  hi-i-nim  mi-gi-ir  dMarduk 
is-sa-ah-hu  si-i-ri  na-ra-am  dNa-bi-um 
5 e-im-ga  mu-ut-ni-en-nu  u za-ni-in  E-sag-ila  ii  E-zi-da 
i-da-an  za-na-a-tim 
mu-ud-di-is  e-es-ri-e-ti  ildni  rabuti 
mdru  a-sd-ri-du 

sd  dN d-bi-um-apal-u-su-ur  sar  Bdbiliki  a-na-ku 
10  i-nu-um  dMarduk  be-U  ra-be-u 

ni-si  ra-ap-sa-a-ti  a-na  ri-e-u-ti  i-ti-nam 


CYLINDER  OF  NEBUCHADNEZZAR  II 


63 


za-na-an  ma-ha-zi  ud-du-su  e-es-ri-e-ti 
ra-bi-is  u-ma-’ -ir-an-ni 
a-na-ku  a-na  dMarduk  be-U-ia 
15  ka-ai-na-ak  la  ba-at-la-ak 

i-na  kaspu  hurasi  abne  ni-se-iq-ti  su-ku-ru-u-ti 
e-ra-a  miskanna  i?erini 
E-sag-ila  u-sd-pi(1)-max 
u-mi-is  u-na-am-mi-ir 
20  E-zi-da  u-sd-ak-li-il-ma 

ki-ma  si-de-ir-ti  sd-ma-mi  u-ba-an-nim 
i-na  e-es-ri-e-ti  ilu  rabuti 
zi-in-na-a-tim  as-tak-ka-an 
a-na  dSar-Mar ad-da  be-U-ia  at-ta-’-id-ma 
25  E-igi-kalama  bit-su  sd  ki-ri-ib  Marad-daH 
sd  is-tu  u-um  ri-e-ku-u-tim 
te-me-en-su  la-be-ri  la  i-mu-ru  sar  ma-ah-ra 
II.  ma-az-za-al-ti  az-zu-ul-mar 

te-me-en-su  la-be-ri  a-hi-it  ab-ri-e-ma 
te-me-en-na  sd  Na-ra-am-dSin  lugal-e 
a-ba-am  la-be-ri  a-mu-ur-ma 
5 si-te-ir  su-mi-su  la  u-na-ak-ki-ir 

si-te-ir  su-mu-ia  it-ti  si-te-ir  su-mi-su  as-tak-ka-an-ma 
e-li  te-me-en-na  sd  Na-ra-am-dSin  lugal-e 
u-ki-in  us-su-su 

Ha-al-lum  kd-na-ku^  sikkur  saqili(l 2-SAK-KUL-LAL) 
10  sd  t-a-su-hu  as-tak-ka-an-ma 
i?a-su-hu  pa-aq-lu-u-tim 


1 The  text  reads  u-sd-KAL-ma,  which  is  perhaps  a mistake  for  u-sa-pi-ma,  the  form 
which  occurs  usually  in  this  passage. 

2 Ma-az-za-al-ti  az-zu-ul-ma.  Following  Delitzsch,  Pro!.,  p.  142,  and  Zimmeru  KAT3, 

p.  628,  the  Hebrew  the  Syriac  the  Phoenician  the  Mandaic  snsOsnftG 

and  the  Arabic  Jykja  are  regarded  as  having  been  borrowed  from  the  Babylonian 

manzaltu,  which  is  from  the  root  nazdzu.  Since  there  is  a root  in  Arabic  Jyj  “to  alight”, 
“to  encamp  near”,  there  can  be  but  little  doubt  but  that  “dwelling”  station 


is  from,  that  root.  That  this  is  correct  and  that  manzaltu  is  also  from  a root  nazdlu,  and 
not  nazdzu,  is  determined  by  the  above  passage  ma-az-za-al-ti  az-zu-ul-ma.  This  same  word 
occurs  as  ma-az-za-as-ti-su-nu  in  King  Hammurabi  Letters  III,  p.  281.  For  the  phonetic 
change  of  l into  s in  Babylonian,  see  forthcoming  article  in  OLZ. 


64 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


si-i-ti  qi-in-ne-e  ra-be-u-tim 
a-na  zu-lu-li-su  u-sd-at-ri-is 
bita  u-sd-ak-li-il-ma 
15  a-na  dSar-Mar ad-da  be-U-ia 
ki-ma  u-um  u-na-am-mi-ir 
dSar-Marad-da  be-li  ku-ul-la-at  ga-ar-dam 
a-na  bUi  sd-a-ti  ha-di-is  i-na  e-ri-bi-ka 
li-bi-it  ga-ti-ia  su-ku-ru 
20  a-na  da-mi-iq-ti  ha-di-is  na-ap-li-is-ma 
da-am-g  a-tu-u-a 
li-is-sa-ak-na  sd-ap-tu-uk-ka 
ba-la-at  u-um  da-er-u-tim 
se-bi-e  li-it-tu-u-ti 
25  ku-un  ,fkussi  u la-ba-ri  pa-li-e 
a-na  si-ri-iq-ti  su-ur-qam 
ifkakke  dannu-tim  li-il-li-ku  i-da-ai 
si-gi-is  ku-ul-la-at  la  ma-gi-ri 
hu-ul-li-iq  na-ap-ha-ar-su-un 
30  i-na  ma-har  dMarduk  sar  sd-mi-e  u ir-si-ti 
ki-be  du-um-ku-u-a 

TRANSLATION. 

I.  Nebuchadnezzar, 
king  of  Babylon, 

the  true  shepherd,  the  favored  of  Marduk, 
the  exalted  ruler,  the  beloved  of  Nebo, 

5 the  wise  one,  the  prayerful  one,  the  caretaker  of  Esagil  and  Ezida, 
skilled  in  the  work  of  adorning, 
the  restorer  of  the  shrines  of  the  great  gods ; 
the  first  born  son  of 
Nabopolassar,  king  of  Babylon,  am  I. 

10  When  Marduk,  the  great  lord, 

gave  (me)  wide  spread  peoples  to  shepherd, 

(and)  to  care  for  cities,  to  renew  shrines, 
majestically  sent  me 
I am  for  Marduk,  my  lord; 

15  I am  faithful ; I am  unwearied. 

With  silver,  gold,  costly  precious  stones, 


CYLINDER  OF  NEBUCHADNEZZAR  II 


65 


copper,  miskannu  wood,  cedar, 

Esag'il  I adorned,  and 
made  shine  as  day. 

20  Ezida  I completed,  and 

like  the  canopy  of  heaven  I made  brilliant. 

In  the  shrines  of  the  great  gods 
I made  restorations. 

To  Shar-Maradda,  my  lord,  I did  honor. 

25  E-igi-kalama,  his  temple,  which  is  in  Marad, 
which  from  a distant  day 

its  old  foundation-stone  a former  king  had  not  seen, 

II.  its  position  I determined; 

its  ancient  foundation-stone  I searched  for,  and  beheld,  and 
the  foundation-stone  of  Naram-Sin,  king, 
an  ancient  ancestor,  I saw,  and 
5 the  inscription  of  his  name  I did  not  change. 

The  inscription  of  my  name  I placed  with  the  inscription  of  his  name  and 
upon  the  foundation  of  Naram-Sin,  king, 

I established  its  foundation. 

A tallu,  a door-post,  a bolt 
10  of  asuhu  wood  I made,  and 
powerful  asuhu  timber 
the  product  of  a mighty  species, 

I spread  out  for  its  roof. 

The  house  I finished  and 
15  for  Shar-Maradda,  my  lord, 
like  the  day  I made  shine. 

Oh  Shar-Maradda,  the  lord  of  all,  the  hero, 
in  thy  entering  that  house,  gladly, 
the  precious  work  of  my  hands 
20  joyfully  look  upon  with  favor,  and 
as  my  pious  deeds 
let  be  established  upon  thy  lips. 

Life  of  a distant  day; 
abundance  of  posterity; 

25  an  established  throne,  and  a long  reign, 
grant  as  a gift. 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


66 


May  powerful  weapons  go  by  my  side. 

Smite  all  the  unfriendly. 

Destroy  all  of  them. 

30  Before  Marduk,  the  king  of  heaven  and  earth, 
speak  for  my  favor. 


No.  45.  The  Dedication  of  Nabonidus ’s  Daughter  as  a Votary. 

The  cylinder  of  Nabonidus  (555-539  B.  C.),  which  is  thoroughly  baked, 
contains  an  account  of  his  restoration  of  E-gi-par,  an  ancient  seat  of  divination 
which  was  connected  with  Egishshirgal,  the  temple  of  Nannar,  or  Sin,  at  Ur. 
It  also  records  the  building  of  a residence  for  his  daughter,  Bel-shalti-Nannar, 
and  her  consecration  to  the  office  of  a votary.  The  work  of  restoration  was 
undertaken  after  the  king  had  assured  himself  that  it  was  the  desire  of  the  gods 
that  he  should  do  so,  by  consulting  their  will  through  divination,  three  times, 
as  we  are  informed  he  did  on  another  occasion.  The  inscription  is  said  to  have 
been  found  at  Mugheir,  the  site  of  the  ancient  city  of  Ur. 

E-gi-par,  as  the  text  informs  us,  was  the  ancient  quarters  of  an  order  of 
women,  called  entu.  It  is  called  such  not  only  in  the  cylinder,  but  also  in  a 
stamped  brick  inscription  of  Nabonidus  (cf.  R I,  68,  7),  who  says  that  he 
restored  E-gi-par,  the  house  of  the  entu,  which  is  in  Ur.  Other  indications  that 
the  building  was  one  in  which  women  presided  are  to  be  seen  in  the  reference  of 
Nabonidus  to  having  found,  among  inscriptions  of  ancient  kings  in  its  ruins, 
one  of  EN-AN-E-UL,1  an  entu,  who  was  the  daughter  of  Kudur-Mabug,  and 
sister  of  Rim-Sin  (Arioch  of  Genesis  XIV : 1) ; and  also  in  his  mention  of  having 
seen  an  inscription  of  Nebuchadnezzar  I,  which  contained  the  likeness  of  an 
entu-v  otary. 

The  earliest  reference  to  the  building  is  to  be  found  in  an  inscription  of 
Amar-Sin,  of  the  Ur  dynasty,  who  restored  gi-par  azag  “the  bright  (holy 
gipar”  for  Nannar  (VS  I,  p.  198,  e:21).  Libit-Ishtar,  a ruler  of  Nisin  (see 
Text  No.  27),  also  informs  us  that  he  restored  E-gi-par,  of  Ur.  The  present 
text,  calls  E-gi-par  “a  bright  (or  holy)  habitation,  the  place  of  the  decisions  of 
the  entu” , leaving  no  question  as  to  the  purpose  of  E-gi-par.2  Our  text  informs 

1 Scheil,  Comptes-rendus,  1912,  p.  680,  mentions  having  seen  this  cylinder  in  Paris, 
and  among  other  things  refers  to  this  name,  reading  it  BIL(‘!)-AN-KAL-UL;  see  also 
Poebel  UMB8  IV,  1,  p.  140.  The  third  character  without  any  doubt  is  E not  KAL. 

2 On  giparu  see  the  literature  quoted  by  Muss-Arnolt,  Dictionary,  p.  229;  Jensen 
KB  VI,  p.  304;  Thureau-Dangin  Nouvelles  Fouilles  de  Tello,  p.  174,  note  1;  and  Langdon 
Bab.  Liturgies,  p.  109,  note  2. 


CYLINDER  OF  NABONIDUS 


67 


ns  that  there  were  shrines  or  booths  (parakke) , and  some  kind  of  appurtenances 
( usurdti ) in  the  structure,  doubtless  for  conducting’  the  office. 

Nabonidus  restored  also  the  wall  about  the  Majal  of  the  entu.  Apparently 
the  Majal,  which  word  seems  to  mean  “resting-place”,3  was  the  dormitory  of 
the  order,  and  was  situated  in  proximity  to  E-gi-par.  He  also,  as  mentioned, 
erected  by  the  side  of  E-gi-par  a residence  for  his  daughter.  While  it  is  not 
stated  that  she  was  to  be  the  head  of  the  order,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  such  was 
the  case.  This  can  be  inferred  from  the  prayer  of  the  king  at  the  close  of  the 
cylinder,  which  reads:  “May  Bel-slialti-Nannar  the  daughter,  the  beloved  of  my 
heart,  be  strong  before  them;  and  may  her  word  prevail.” 

It  is  rather  an  exception  to  find  names  of  people  from  Babylon  compounded 
with  the  deity  “Nannar.”  The  name  given  his  daughter,  Bel-slialti-Nannar, 
doubtless  was  her  official  name,  given  when  she  was  inducted  into  office.  That 
Nannar  appears  in  it,  is  no  doubt  due  to  the  fact  that  E-gi-par,  where  she  pre- 
sided, was  not  only  connected  with  the  temple  of  that  deity,  but  also  because 
Nannar  was  the  deity  to  whom  the  women  looked  for  inspiration  in  their  pro- 
fession. The  occurrence  of  the  name  EN(Bel)-AN-E-UL  in  the  cylinder,  borne 
by  the  daughter  of  Kudur-Mabug,  suggests  the  idea  that  perhaps  the  peculiar 
formation  of  the  name  given  the  daughter  of  Nabonidus,  Bel-shalti-Nannar, 
which  contains  the  element  Bel  “lord,”  may  be  due  to  its  being  fashioned  after 
some  ancient  name  of  the  order. 

The  entu  are  referred  to  in  the  Code  of  Hammurabi.  In  it  legislation  is 
found  concerning  a number  of  orders  of  women:  the  entu  (NIN-DINGIB-BJ ) ,4 
tigiltu(SAL-ME),  qadishtu(NU-GIG),  sermashitum(NU-BAR),  and  zikrum.  In 
the  Sliurpu  Series  VIII -.52,  these  votaries  are  mentioned  in  the  above  order, 
with  the  zikrum  omitted.  There  is  nothing,  however,  in  the  Code  that  throws 
light  upon  the  religious  functions  of  any  of  these  orders. 

The  entu  are  referred  to  in  temple  documents  of  the  Cassite  period,  from 
Nippur,  in  which  subdivisions  of  the  order  are  given,  as,  entu  rabu,  “the  great 
entu”,  and  entu  sihru,  “small  entu”.5  These  are  summed  up  as  endtu  (plural).6 
In  BE  XIV,  99a,  there  is  an  inventory  of  oxen  and  sheep,  the  property  of  this 
order.  In  BE  XV,  163:28,  payment  is  made  to  eight  zinnisdti  sa  Hi  “women 
of  the  god”.  This  passage,  however,  may  refer  to  a different  class  of  votaries. 

3 See  Jensen,  KB  VI,  p.  409. 

4 The  reading  entu  for  NIN-DINGIR-RA,  cf.  CT  XIX,  41:1a,  is  borne  out  by  the 
present  text ; cf.  Frank  Studien  zur  Babylonischen  Religion,  p.  48  f. 

5 See  Clay  BE  XIV,  136  : 16  and  29. 

cCf.  also  NIN-DINGIR-GAL,  BE  XIV,  89:1,  9;  131 : [1] , 18;  138:31;  NIN- 
D1NGIR-TVR,  BE  XIV,  89  : 1,  16 ; and  NIN-DINGIR-MES,  BE  XIV,  99a : 46 ; 136:1  5. 


G8 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


These  references  to  the  property  of  the  entu  of  Nippur  are  interesting  in  the 
light  of  lines  II : 13  and  14,  where  we  learn  that  Nabonidus  increased  the  sattuhu, 
or  fixed  offerings,  and  enriched  the  order  with  other  possessions. 

The  text  published  here  shows  the  nature  of  their  calling.  The  entu  were 
devoted  to  the  practice  of  magic.  In  dedicating  his  daughter  as  an  entu, 
Nabonidus  says,  “for  the  service  of  divination  I established  her  office  of  divina- 
tion (11:11).  This  leaves  no  doubt  that  the  unchaste  reputation  given  the 
women  devotees  of  Babylonian  temples  by  Greek  writers  is  not  to  be  applied 
at  least  to  this  order,7  and  especially  when  we  know  the  part  played  by  royal 
princesses.  The  character  of  divination  practised  by  the  women  augurs,  whether 
it  was  hepatoscopy  or  astrology  or  the  interpretation  of  dreams  by  oil  bubbles 
on  water,  or  of  other  peculiar  phenomena,  as  mishaps,  monstrosities,  etc.,  is 
not  hinted  at.  That  there  were  male  offices  of  diviners  would  suggest  perhaps 
that  such  magic  as  liver  divination  was  practiced  by  men.  Since  Nannar,  the 
moon  god,  was  the  ruler  of  the  starry  heavens,  the  father  of  the  stars  of  night, 
the  na-as  sa-cid-du  a-na  da-ad-mi  “bearer  of  signs  for  the  people”  (line  6),  it  is 
not  improbable  that  the  office  had  to  do  with  astrology.  There  is  a gi-par 
referred  to  in  a letter,  CT  XXII,  1:29,  which  seems  to  be  a place  where  tablets 
were  kept.  Naturally,  if  the  entu  women  practiced  divination  of  any  kind,  it 
is  quite  reasonable  to  infer  that  they  possessed  texts  containing  the  formulae 
for  the  purpose. 

Of  seeming  importance  is  the  list  of  functionaries  in  connection  with  the 
temple  Egishshirgal  (11:26).  The  enu  or  high  priest  is  referred  to  at  the  head 
of  the  list.  Together  with  the  lagaru  he  is  referred  to  in  the  Gilgamesh  Epic 
{KB  VI,  1,  188,  li.  42).  Gudea  calls  himself  en  dNingirsu.  In  a brick 
inscription,  Ur-Ningirsu  uses  the  title  en  isib-zib  an-na  isib-ad-azag 
e n-k i-a g-dN i n a,  “the  enu,  true  priest  of  Anu  (or  heaven),  the  priest  of  the 
bright  (or  holy)  house,  the  beloved  priest  of  Nina.”  In  the  present  text  enu  is 
explained  as  i-sib-bu  ernDIB-BA  “the  priest  of  the  bronze  dibba In  view  of  the 
fact  that  the  sign  BIB  was  composed  of  two  originally  different  signs,  LAGAB 
“an  enclosure,”  and  PA  “a  sceptre”  or  “staff”  (see  Barton  BA  IX,  p.  244), 
perhaps  DIB-BA  was  some  kind  of  a sceptre  or  divining  rod,  and  is  the  hook- 
like objects  so  frequently  held  by  priests  and  kings.  The  enu  apparently  was 
not  only  the  high  priest,  but  the  prince  or  ruler  of  the  entire  sanctuary.  Since 
the  building  E-gi-par  at  Ur  is  so  prominently  mentioned  in  inscriptions  from 

7 Cf.  Lyon,  “The  Consecrated  Women  of  the  Hammurabi  Code,”  Toy  Memorial, 
341  ff. 


CYLINDER  OF  NABONIDUS 


69 


that  city,  and  in  the  inscription  of  Libit-Islitar  (see  Text  No.  27),  the  enu 
apparently  is  identified  with  it,  as  well  as  the  entu  votaries,  as  shown  by  the 
present  text,  and  it  is  not  impossible  that  the  building  was  the  quarters  of  this 
sacerdotal  head  of  the  cult.  And  it  seems  not  improbable  also  that  E-gi  at 
Erech,  called  the  “house  of  the  en-na”  (see  Text  36: 16),  in  which  there  was  an 
oracle  place,  was  the  residence  of  the  high  priest  of  that  city.  The  oracle  place 
may  refer  to  the  giskim  or  kiskanu. 

The  driru  apparently  means  “the  imprecator.”  The  Hemerology,  dis- 
cussed on  page  79,  provides  that  certain  days  were  not  suitable  for  pronouncing 
maledictions.  From  this  it  can  be  inferred  that  some  one  officially  pronounced 
the  oft  recurring  curses,  found  in  the  literature.  Besides  the  maledictions  for 
corrective  purposes,  or  for  restraint,  the  officer  may  also  have  been  the  one  who 
passed  the  sentence  upon  the  guilty.  The  function  of  the  lagaru  seems  to  be 
clear  from  line  II,  28.  He  is  the  “institutor  of  supplications  ’ ’ ( sdkinu 
takribtu).  The  zammere  “singers”  are  those  “who  rejoice  the  heart  of  the 
gods.”  It  is  not  impossible  that  the  list  given  in  the  text  represents  all  the 
chief  functionaries  of  the  temple.  These,  it  seems,  are  summed  up  by  the  term 
bur-sag-gi-e  (11:24). 

TRANSLITERATION. 

I.  Ni-nu  dNannar(dSISki)-ri  i-ri-su  enti(NIN-DINGIR-RA) 
mar  ru-bi-e  gi-is-hi-im  ba-su  u-kal-li-im  ad-na-a-tim 
Hi  nam-ra  si-it  u-sd-pi  pu-ru-us-sa-su  ki-i-nu 
a-na  mdN  a-bi-um-na-’ -id  sar  Bdbiliki  za-ni-in  E-sag-ila  u E-zi-da 

5 ri-e-a-am  pa-al-hu  mu-us-te-’-u  as-ra-ti  ilanimeS  rabutimel 
dNannar(dSISki)-ri  bel  a-gi-i  na-as  sa-ad-du  a-na  da-ad-mi 
u-ad-di  it-ta-su  as-sum  e-ri-es  enti(NIN-DINGIR-RA) 
i-na  anuUlul  umu  13kan  ariiu  si-bi-ir  distardtimeS 
Hat  in-bi  in-na-di-ir-ma  i-na  na-’i-du  ri-su  ir-bi 

Annotations  I.  1.  E -ri-su  as  a title  of  Nannar,  who  was  the  “illuminator,” 
apparently  was  the  deity  to  whom  the  entu  looked  for  guidance.  He,  therefore,  was  the 
“revealer”  or  “inspirer”  of  the  order,  see  also  line  10. 

2.  Gi-is-hi-im  apparently  is  a Semitized  form  of  g i s-k  i n,  which  occurs  in  the 
text  No.  31:15,  and  frequently  in  the  early  texts,  usually  read  gis-har.  In  Assyrian 
the  word  is  found  written  hishanu,  see  literature  quoted  by  Muss-Arnolt,  Die.,  p.  450.  In 
the  Gudea  Cyl.  (VAB  I,  p.  16)  gis-ka-an-na  seems  to  be  a part  of  E-Ninnu. 

2.  Ad-na-a-tim,  pi.  of  adannu('l),  seems  to  be  from  “iyi  and  means  “signs,” 
“oracles;”  cf.  Sin  mu-hal-lim  ittdti(ITImeS) , R IV,  56  : 11. 

3.  On  nam-ra  si-it  “new  moon,”  cf.  Jastrow  Religion  I,  440,  note  3. 

6.  On  sa-ad-du  “sign,”  or  “omen,”  cf.  ibid,  II,  449,  note  5. 


70 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


10  dSin  entu(NlN -DIN CUR-RA ) i-ri-is  ki-a-am  it-ta-su  u pu-ru-us-su-su 
a-na-ku  mdN a-bi-um-na-’ -id  ri-e-a-am  pa-li-ih  i-lu-ti-su 
ki-bi-it-su  ki-it-tim  ap-la-ah  at-ta-’-it-ma 
as-sum  e-ri-es  enti(NIN-DINGIR-RA)  ra-su-tu  ni-ki-it-tim 
as-ra-a-ti  dSamas  u dAdad  belemcS  bi-ri  as-te-’-e-ma 
15  dSamas  u dAdcid  an-na  ki-i-nu  i-tap-pa-lu-in-ni 
i-na  bi-ri-ia  is-tu-ru  siri  da-mi-iq-tum 
stri  e-ri-is-ti  na-da-a-ti  e-ri-is-ti  ildnimcS  a-na  ameluti 
as-ni-ma  te-ir-tum  ap-qi-id-ma  sir  a dumqa(SlG)  e-li  sa  mali-ri  i-tap-pa- 
lu-ni 

as-su  maratimeS  ki-im-ti-ia  te-ir-tum  e-pu-us-ma  ul-la  i-tap-pa-lu-ni 
20  as-lu-us-ma  as-su  mdrti  si-it  lib-bi-ia 

te-ir-tum  e-pu-us-ma  sira  dumqa[SlG)  i-tap-pa-lu-in-ni 
a-ma-at  dSin  belli  su-ur-bu-u  ilu  ba-a-ni-ia 
ki-bi-it  dSamas  u dAdad  belemeS  bi-ri  at-ta-’-it-ma 
mdrtu  si-it  lib-bi-ia  a-na  e-nu-ti  as-si-ma 
25  Bel-sa-al-ti-dN annar  su-um-sa  am-bi 

as-su  is-tu  umemeS  ru-qu-tim  pa-ra-as  bel-ti  ba-su-u-ma 
la  ud-du-u  si-ki-in-su  u-mi-sa-am  us-ta-ad-da-an 
a-da-an-nu  ik-su-da-am-ma  up-ta-at-ta-a-ni  babemeS 
ap-pa-li-is-ma  ahnunaru  la-bi  ri  sd  dN a-bi-um-ku-dur-ri-u-sur 
30  mar  mdEnmastu  na-din-su-mi  sarru  pa-na  ma-dh-ra-a 
sd  sa-lam  enti(NIN-DlNGIR-RA)  ba-as-mu  si-ru-us-su 
si-ma-a-ti-su  lu-bu-us-ta-su  u ti-ik-ni-su 
it-ti-i  is-tu-ru-ma  a-na  E-gi-par  u-se-ri-bu 
dup-pa-nu  u li’umei  labirutimeS  at-ta-si  da-al-ba 
35  ki-ma  la-bi-ri-im-ma  e-pu-us 

abm,naru  si-ma-ti-su  u u-na-a-at  biti-su 
e-es-si-is  ab-ni  si-ru-us-su  as-tu-ur-ma 
ma-har  dSin  u dNin-gal  belemc$-e-a  u-ki-in 
i-nu-su  E-gi-par  ku-um-mi  el-lu  a-sar  pa-ra-as  e-nu-tim 
40  us-sum  la-lu  ki-ri-ib-su 

a-sar-su  na-di-ma  e-mi  kar-mi-is 
a-la-mi-it-tim  in-bi  si-ip-pa-a-tim  a-su-u  qir-bu-us-su 

14.  On  bi-ri  “divination,”  cf.  ibid,  II,  pp.  11-20. 

15.  On  an-na  ki-i-nu  cf.  ibid,  II,  p.  152,  note  1. 

28.  Up-ta-at-ta-a-ni  = II 2 from  patu  “to  open.” 


CYLINDER  OF  NABONIDUS 


71 


ak-si-id-ma  is-si  e-pi-ri  ka-ar-mi-su  as-su-uh 
kit  ap-pa-li-is-ma  ud-da-a  te-me-en-su 
45  si-ti-ir  su-mi  sd  sarranimeS  mah-ri  la-bi-ru-tim  ap-pa-li-is  qir-bu-us-su 
II.  mu-sar-u  la-bi-ri  sa  EN-AN-E-UL  enti  ( NIN-DINGIR-RA ) Uruki 
mdrat  Ku-du-ur-Ma-bu-ug  a-ha-at  Ri-im-Sin  sar  Uruki 
sd  E-gi-pdr  us-si-su-ma  a-na  as-ri-su  u-te-ir-ru 
a-na  i-te-e  E-gi-pdr  dur  e-li  ma-aja-al  enati(NIN-DINGIR-RA)meS 
5 labirdtimeS  il-mu-u 

ap-pa-li-is-ma  E-gi-pdr  ki-ma  la-bi-ri-im-ma  e-es-si-is  e-pu-us 
parakkemeS-su  u usuratimeS-su  ki-ma  la-bi-ri-im-ma  e-es-si-is  ab-ni 
a-na  i-te-e  E-gi-pdr  bit  Rel-sa-al-ti-dN annar  mdrti-ia 

enti(NIN-DINGIR-RA)  dSin  e-es-si-is  e-pu-us 

10  mdrtu  ul-li-il-ma  a-na  dSin  u dNin-gal  belemeS-e-a  as-ru-uq 

i-na  si-bi-ir  dsipu(KA-AZ AG-GAL) -u-tim  i-si-ip-pu-ut-su  e-pu-us-ma 
a-na  E-gi-pdr  u-se-ri-ib 
sa-at-tuk-ki  E-gi-pdr  u-da-ah-hi-id 

eqlemeS  kireti'"eS  astapiru  alpe(LID-GUD)zun  u senemeS  u-da-as-si-su 
15  dur  ma-aja-al  endtimeS  labiratimeS 
ki-ma  la-ba-ri-im-ma  e-es-si-is  al-mi 
biti  su-a-ti  a-na  ma-a$-sa-ar-tim  dan-na-tim  as-ku-un-su, 
ni-nu-su-sd  d8in  u dNingal  belemeS-e-a 
sa-at-tuk-ki- su-nu  e-li  sd  pa-na  u-da-ah-hi-id 
20  mi-im-ma  sum-su  in  E-gis-sir-gal  u-da-as-si 

sa  u-mi  3 immeru  e-li  isten(-en)  immeru  gi-na-a  la-bi-ri 
a-na  dSin  u dNin-gal  belemcS-e-a  lu  u-ki-in 
bu-sa-a  ma-ak-ku-ru  ki-ri-ib  E-gis-sir-gal  u-da-as-si 
as-sum  bur-sag-gi-e  ul-lu-li-im-ma  hi-ti-ti  la  ra-se-e 
25  ra-am-ku-ut  E-gis-sir-gdl  u bitdtimeS  ildnimeS 

e7nu  i-sib-bi  ZARAR-DIR-RA  amHbaru  amHEN-GI-8TJ 
amHa-ri-ru  amS,rab  banu  amHbanu  am :lD UL-SA M-H A itu(NI-GAR)  gal-lum 
amHti-ir-bit  amHla-ga-ru  sa-ki-nu  tak-ri-ib-ti 
amdlzammere’ne5  mu-ha-ad-du-u,  lib-bi  ildnimeS 
30  amHki-ni-is-tum  su-ud-na-bu-u  su-ma-an-su-un 

11  26.  hKUL-LUM  = baru,  cf.  B 1687.  In  a list  of  this  kind  one  would  expect  to  see 
the  baru  “seer”  or  “inspector.” 

26.  EN-GI-SU  may  have  been  the  chief  psalmist ; GI-SU  = kalu. 

28.  hTi-ir-bit  “custodian,”  cf.  the  Syrian  D2"in 

30.  The  hinistu  priest  is  mentioned  in  Neriglissor,  KB  III  2,  78. 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


i-li-ik-su-nu  ap-tu-ur-ma  su-bar-ra-su-nu  as-ku-un 
ub-bi-ib-su-nu-ti-ma 

a-na  dSin  u dNin-gal  belemeS-e-a  u-sak-ki-su-nu-ti 
d8in  ilu  el-lu  l>c!  a-gi-i  nu-ur  te-ni-se-e-ti 
35  ilu  su-ur-bu-u  sa  ki-bi-it-su  ki-na-at 

a-na  e-ib-se-ti-ia  li-ih-du-ma  li-ir-a-am  sar-ru-ti 
ba-la-tam  da-er-a  se-bi-e  li-it-tu-tu  a-na  si-ri-iq-tim  lis-ru-qam 
a-a  u-sd-ab-sa-a  sa-ni-nu  ma-hi-ri  a-a  ar-si 
e-ma  arhi  lis-tap-pa  i-da-a-ti  du-um-qi-ia 
40  a-gi-e  sar-ru-ti-ia  a-na  da-er-a-tim  lu-ki-in  ra-su-u-a 
,¥ kussi  be-lu-ti-ia  su-ur-si-id  a-na  ah-ra-a-tu  umemeS 
e-ma  arhi  i-na  i-te-id-du-si-ka 
sa-ad-da-ka  da-mi-iq-tim  gi-na-a  lu-ut-tap-la-as 
dNin-gal  beltu  sur-bu-tum  ma-ha-ar-ki  li-ta-ba-a  damiq(SlG)-tim 
45  Bel-sa-al-ti-dN annar  mdrat  na-ra-am-ti  lib-bi-ia 
ma-ha-ar-su-nu  li-bur-ma  li-kun  qi-bi-is-su 
e-ip-se-tu-su  li-ti-ba  entu  ku-un 
a-a  ir-sa-a  hi-ti-ti 


TRANSLATION. 

I.  When  Nannar,  the  inspirer  of  the  entu  (votary), 

the  sublime  son  of  the  giskim  (oracle-tree!),  who  is  the  revealer  of  signs, 

the  god,  glorious  in  rising,  declared  his  trustworthy  decree 

for  Nabonidus,  king  of  Babylon,  the  caretaker  of  Esagila  and  Ezida, 

5 the  reverent  shepherd,  who  cares  for  the  shrines  of  the  great  gods ; 
Nannar,  the  lord  of  the  disc,  the  bearer  of  signs  for  the  people, 
revealed  his  omen.  On  account  of  the  desire  of  the  entu, 
in  Elul,  on  the  13th  day,  the  month  of  the  mission  of  the  astarti, 
the  goddess  of  increase  was  aroused,  and  greatly  awakened  joy. 

10  Sin  inspired  the  entu  votary,  according  to  his  omen  and  decision. 

I,  Nabonidus,  the  shepherd  who  fears  his  divinity, 
reverenced  his  reliable  command,  and  exalted  (it)  ; and 
because  of  the  desire  of  the  entu,  being  possessed  with  emotion, 

I gave  attention  to  the  shrines  of  Shamash  and  Adad,  the  lords  of  divina- 
15  Shamash  and  Adad  answered  me  with  a favorable  decision.  [tion,  and 
In  my  divination  they  wrote  a favorable  oracle ; 
an  oracle  of  supreme  approval,  the  approval  of  the  gods  for  man. 


CYLINDER  OF  NABONIDUS 


73 


I repeated  it,  and  I inspected  the  portent,  and  they  gave  me  a more  favor- 
able oracle  than  before. 

For  the  sake  of  the  daughters  of  my  family  I performed  an  augury,  and 
they  gave  me  an  unfavorable  oracle. 

20  I asked  a third  time,  and  on  behalf  of  my  own  daughter 
performed  an  augury,  and  they  gave  me  a favorable  answer. 

The  word  of  Sin,  the  majestic  lord,  the  god,  my  creator, 
the  command  of  Shamash  and  Adad,  the  lords  of  divination,  I exalted; 
I dedicated  my  own  daughter  to  the  entu  (office).  [and 

25  Bel-shalti-Nannar  I announced  her  name. 

Since  from  remote  times  there  was  a command  of  the  lady,  and 
its  execution  was  not  known,  daily  I observed  (it). 

The  appointed  time  arrived,  and  the  gates  were  opened. 

I looked,  and  an  ancient  memorial  tablet  of  Nebuchadnezzar, 

30  son  of  Enmashtu-nadin-shum,  a royal  predecessor, 
upon  which  he  had  fashioned  the  likeness  of  an  entu, 
her  insignia,  her  clothing,  and  her  ornaments; 
the  sides  they  inscribed,  and  placed  in  E-gi-par. 

The  ancient  tablets  and  documents  I brought  out.  The  damaged  place 
35  I restored  to  its  former  state. 

A memorial  tablet  with  her  insignia  and  the  furniture  (?)  of  her  house, 
(which)  I made  anew,  upon  it  I wrote,  and 
placed  before  Sin  and  Nikkal,  my  lords. 

At  that  time,  E-gi-par,  a bright  habitation,  the  place  of  the  edicts  of  the 
40  the  splendid  foundation  (i.  e.  floor)  within  it,  [enutu  office 

its  place  was  destroyed,  and  had  become  like  a ruin. 

A scaf¥old(?)  inbu,  timber,  asu  within  it 
I brought,  and  the  wood,  the  dirt  of  its  ruins,  I cleared  out. 

The  house  I examined,  and  exposed  its  foundation. 

45  The  writing  of  the  name  (i.  e.  inscriptions)  of  former  ancient  kings  I 
II.  An  ancient  cylinder  of  EN-AN-E-UL,  an  entu  of  Ur,  [saw  in  it. 

the  daughter  of  Kudur-Mabug,  the  sister  of  Rim- Sin,  king  of  Ur, 
which  in  E-gi-par  they  had  established,  I restored  to  its  place. 

At  the  side  of  E-gi-par  a wall  over  the  ancient  majal  (resting  place)  of 
5 they  had  constructed  around  it,  [the  entu 

I examined ; and  E-gi-par,  as  of  old,  I constructed. 

Its  shrines  and  its  appurtenances,  as  formerly,  I built  anew. 


10 

15 

20 

25 

30 

35 

40 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


At  the  side  of  E-gi-par,  the  house  of  Bel-shalti-Nannar,  my  daughter, 
the  entu  of  Sin,  I constructed  anew. 

The  daughter  I purified,  and  dedicated  to  Sin  and  Nikkal,  my  lords. 

For  the  service  of  divination  I established  her  office  of  divination, 
and  brought  her  into  E-gi-par. 

Fixed  offerings  of  E-gi-par  I provided  in  abundance. 

With  fields,  parks,  servants,  oxen  and  sheep,  I enriched  it. 
the  wall  of  the  majal  (resting  place)  of  the  ancient  votaries, 
as  it  was  of  old,  I constructed  around  it  anew. 

That  house  like  a strong  fortress  I built  it. 

At  that  time  for  Sin  and  Nikkal,  my  lords, 
their  fixed  offerings  I increased  more  than  before. 

Everything  of  its  kind  I made  abundant  in  Egishshirgal. 

Every  day  three  sheep  as  against  one  sheep,  tiie  old  fixed  offering, 
for  Sin  and  Nikkal,  my  lords,  verily  I provided. 

Endowments,  possessions,  within  Egishshirgal,  I made  abundant. 

In  order  to  sanctify  the  bursaggu,  and  that  they  may  not  incur  sin, 
the  purification  of  Egishshirgal  and  the  chapels  of  the  gods, 
the  enu,  priest  of  the  bronze  dibba,  the  seer,  the  engisu, 
the  imprecator,  the  chief  builder,  the  builder,  the  dul-lah-ha  the  overseer 
of  the  gallum  (psalmist (?) ) 

the  custodian,  the  lagaru,  the  priest  who  institutes  supplications, 
the  singers,  who  rejoice  the  hearts  of  the  gods, 
the  Trinishtu  priest,  the  shudnabu,  their  obligations, 
their  taxes,  I remitted;  and  their  income  I established. 

I purified  them,  and 

for  Sin  and  Nikkal,  my  lords,  I sanctified  them. 

May  Sin,  the  bright  god,  the  lord  of  the  disc,  the  light  of  mankind, 
the  majestic  god,  whose  word  is  constant, 
rejoice  over  my  deeds,  and  love  my  sovereignty. 

May  lie  grant  long  life,  plenty  of  descendants  for  a gift. 

May  I not  have  an  equal ; may  I not  have  a rival. 

During  the  month  may  he  assist  the  forces  of  my  piety. 

May  he  establish  the  coronet  of  my  royalty  forever  on  my  head. 
Establish  the  throne  of  my  lordship  for  future  days. 

During  the  month  in  my  renovating, 

may  I behold  thy  favorable  (and)  firm  omen. 


THE  BABYLONIAN  SABBATH 


75 


0 Nikkal,  powerful  lady,  let  the  pious  act  come  before  tliee. 
45  May  B el- shalti-N annar , the  beloved  daughter  of  my  heart, 
be  strong  before  them,  and  may  her  command  prevail. 

May  her  deeds  be  good,  a faithful  votary; 
may  she  not  commit  sin. 


Nos.  46-51.  The  Babylonian  Sabbath. 

In  a large  archive  of  temple  documents  in  the  Yale  Collection,  discovered 
at  Warka,  the  ancient  city  of  Erecli,  there  is  found  a group  of  twenty-three 
tablets,  containing  monthly  receipts  of  sheep,  which  were  apparently  intended 
for  the  temple  service.  Nearly  all  of  the  tablets  are  baked,  and  are  more  or 
less  perfect.  They  are  dated  between  the  fifth  year  of  Cyrus  (534  B.  C.),  and 
the  sixth  year  of  Cambyses  (523  B.  C. ),  inclusive.  The  general  character  of 
the  contents  is  so  similar  that  the  texts  of  only  six  of  the  lot  are  here  pub- 
lished. The  remainder,  however,  are  considered  in  the  discussion  below. 
Moreover,  it  seemed  unnecessary  to  transliterate  and  translate  more  than  one 
of  the  six.  The  only  one  of  the  entire  group,  i.  e.  Text  No.  50,  which  has  an 
explanatory  heading  for  the  columns  of  figures,  has  been  selected,  and  reads  as 
follows : 

TRANSLITERATION. 

Immeru  di-ha  u gu-uq-qu-u 1 
sa  ul-tu  bit  u-ru-u  u la-pa-ni 2 
re’u  di-hu3  par-su 4 artuNisannu  sattu  5kan 
mKa-am-bu-zi-ia  sar  Babiliki  sar  mdtati 

1 Gu-uq-qu-u  interchanges  with  the  sign  GUG-u.  Since  GUG  has  the  value  niqu  (cf. 
Hrozny  ZA  XX,  p.  429),  it  is  quite  reasonable  to  infer,  in  the  light  of  these  texts,  that 
it  also  had  the  ideographic  value  guqqu. 

2 La-pa-ni  interchanges  with  pa-ni,  see  Nos.  46  and  47,  etc.,  and  with  ina  qat. 

3 re’u  di-hu  (usually  di-ha)  apparently  is  the  head-slaugliterer.  Cf.  the  official 
names,  hre ’u  sattuhki  Strassmaier  Nabonidus  296  :3,  written  re’u  gi-ni-e,  ibid,  20:7. 

* The  reading  and  rendering  par-su  is  given  with  reserve.  The  only  variation  of  this 
word  in  all  the  tablets  is  in  No.  48,  where  nadna(SE-na)  or  iddina  is  written. 

Cf.  other  notes  as  in  Text  No.  47:9,  ina  libbi  1 a-na  bit  dul-lu  “Out  of  it  one  for 
the  work  house.”  Line  15  reads,  ina  libbi  1 immeru  buhadu  7 immeremeS  a-na,  ni-pi-su 
sa  li-li-si  eri.  Line  20  reads,  ina  libbi  8 ina  eli  ni-pi-su  sa  li-li-si  urisu  sihru  hi-it-pi. 
What  ni-pi-su  sa  li-li-si  eri  means  is  not  clear.  No.  48 : 30  reads,  ina  libbi  1 a-na  E-bar-ra 
“Out  of  it  1 for  Ebarra.”  YBC,  No  3964  contains  the  note  following  the  2nd  day:  ina 
libbi  7 ka-lum  lah-rat  ina  babeme;  also  after  the  3rd  day:  ina  libbi  6 nu-uh-hu-su.  Fol- 
lowing the  14th  day  the  note  reads : 2 ana  dSl-DTJ  u dBelit  bit  Hi  1 ina  muhhi  su-hut-tum. 


76 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


5 u-ru-u 

paq-ri 

re’u  di-ku 

paq-ri 

1 

9 

5 

umu  lkan 

5 

5 

1 

umu  2kan 

5 

4 

umu  3,ian 

5 

4 

umu  4kan 

10  6 

4 

umu  5kan 

5 

4 

umu  Gkan 

6 

4 

umu  7kan  1 hi-it-pi 

5 

4 

umu  8kan 

5 

4 

umu  9kan 

15  5 

4 

umu  iokan 

5 

4 

umu  nkan 

5 

4 

umu  I2kan 

5 

4 

umu  I3kan 

6 

4 

1 

umu  I4kan  1 hi-it-pi 

20  6 

4 

umu  15kan 

6 

4 

umu  I6kan 

5 

4 

umu  T7kan 

5 

4 

umu  18kan 

5 

4 

umu  I9kan 

25  5 

4 

umu  20kan 

5 

4 

umu  21kan  1 hi-it-pi 

5 

4 

umu  22kan 

5 

4 

umu  23kan 

5 

4 

umu  24kan 

30  5 

4 

umu  25kan 

5 

4 

1 

umu  26kan 

5 

4 

umu  27kan 

5 

4 

umu  28kan  1 hi-it-pi 

5 

4 

umu  29kan 

35  5 

4 

umu  30kan 

TRANSLATION. 

The  opening1  lines  of  the  tablet  read:  “Sheep  (which  are  for)  slaughter 
and  sacrifice,  which  from  the  stable  and  from  the  head-butclier,  are  set  apart. 
Nisan,  year  5th  of  Cambyses,  King  of  Babylon,  King  of  countries.” 

At  the  head  of  the  four  columns  are  found  the  words:  “stable  | claim  J 


THE  BABYLONIAN  SABBATH 


77 


liead-butcher  | claim  |.”  Nearly  all  the  tablets  have  four  columns  for  figures, 
although  in  some,  as  in  No.  47,  the  totals  are  given  in  the  first  column,  and  the 
rest  are  unused.  No.  46  is  the  only  one  that  has  three  columns,  but  the  paqri 
for  the  first  column  are  written  as  notes  following  the  day  of  the  month. 
Doubtless,  the  arrangement  providing  for  four  columns  was  adhered  to  from 
custom.  Several  of  the  tablets  have  a much  larger  number  on  the  8th  day;  as 
for  example,  Nos.  46,  47,  and  51  have  60,  61,  and  57,  respectively.  YBC,  No. 
3966  has  72  on  the  8th  day.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  more  details  concerning 
the  exact  significance  of  these  tablets  are  not  given. 

The  important  feature  of  these  lists  seems  to  be  the  item  following  certain 
days  of  the  month,  usually  the  7th,  14th,  21st,  and  28th,  which  reads  1 urisu 
sihru  hi-it-pi  “one  young  kid,  an  offering,”  or  simply  1 hi-it-pi,  “one  offering.” 
The  writer  does  not  know  of  any  other  occurrence  of  the  word  liitpi  in  the  cunei- 
form language,  but  it  is  probably  the  same  as  tsnn  a word  found  in  an 
Aramaic  inscription  on  an  oblong  vessel  used  for  libation  purposes,  discovered 
in  the  Serapaeum  at  Memphis.  The  word  has  been  read  hotpi,  and  is  trans- 
lated “offering”5  and  is  regarded  as  an  Egyptian  loan  word.6  Since  the 
inscription  is  Aramaic,  although  found  in  Egypt,  it  is  not  improbable  that  liitpi 
of  these  texts  is  the  same.  This  may  seem  somewhat  precarious,  yet  it  is  a 
natural  inference,  for  the  word  also  seems  to  mean  “offering”  or  “sacrifice.” 
This  being  true,  the  vowels,  which  are  not  given  in  the  Egyptian  and  the 
Aramaic,  can  be  supplied. 

Text  No.  48,  instead  of  adding  the  word  in  the  usual  manner  on  the 
reverse,  contains  a line  written  lengthwise,  probably  because  the  scribe  had  not 
allowed  himself  sufficient  space:  2 urisu  sihru  ul-tu  bit  uri  a-na  2 us(us)  . . . 
na-din.  Unfortunately,  the  only  word  in  all  these  texts  which  might  have  thrown 
light  on  liitpi  has  been  injured. 

As  stated  above,  the  characteristic  place  for  the  usual  note,  “one  kid  (for) 
an  offering”  is  after  the  days:  7,  14,  21,  and  28.  Nine  of  the  tablets  conform 
to  this ; the  rest  contain  variations.  On  one  tablet  the  offerings  are  made  on 
days : 6,  14,  21,  and  28 ; on  two : 6,  14,  21,  and  27 ; on  three : 6,  13,  20,  and  27 ; 
on  one:  6,  13,  20,  and  26;  on  one:  6,  13,  21,  with  the  fourth  omitted;  on  one: 
6,  second  omitted,  21,  and  27 ; on  one : 7,  14,  21,  and  27 ; on  one : 6,  13,  with  note ; 
on  one:  7,  13,  with  third  and  fourth  omitted;  and  one  is  without  any  notes.  The 

5 Cf.  Lidzbarsld  Randbuch,  p.  282;  and  Cook  North  Semitic  Inscriptions,  p.  202. 

6 Professor  W.  M.  Muller  kindly  informs  me  that  htp  is  old  Egyptian,  and  means 
“offering,”  literally,  “something  to  quiet.”  Moreover,  ef.  ah-ta-ti-ip  “I  cut  down,  or 
destroyed.”  BA  II,  p.  628,  and  tahtipu  “oppression.” 


78 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


above  shows  that  the  largest  number  of  these  notes,  “one  kid  (for)  an  offer- 
ing,” namely,  49,  occur  on  the  clays:  7,  14,  21,  and  28;  while  with  the  exception 
of  but  one,  the  remainder,  namely,  28,  occur  one  day  earlier.  The  single  excep- 
tion occurs  two  days  earlier,  upon  the  26th  of  the  month.  In  no  instance  does 
it  follow  this  periodical  seventh  day.  There  can  be  but  little  doubt  that  the 
regularly  appointed  time  for  this  offering  was  on  the  7th,  14th,  21st,  and  28th 
days ; but  it  was  occasionally  made  upon  the  previous  day.  As  is  well  known, 
the  sabbath  among  the  Hebrews  at  the  present  time  begins  shortly  after  sunset 
on  the  sixth  day.  It  might  be  added  that  the  number  of  days  in  the  month  do 
not  seem  to  have  had  any  bearing  upon  these  variations. 

These  tablets,  with  this  interesting  phenomenon,  furnish  the  first  actual 
observance  of  anything  that  suggests  the  existence  of  a parallel  to  the  sabbath 
in  Babylonia ; and  has  an  important  bearing  upon  the  question,  which  has  been 
frequently  discussed,  as  to  whether  the  Babylonians  did  observe  such  a day. 
As  is  well  known,  most  divergent  views  have  been  expressed  by  scholars  upon 
this  subject.  Some  hold  that  the  Hebrew  sabbath  had  its  origin  in  Babylonia, 
and  other  that  the  observance  of  such  a sacred  occasion  was  carried  into  that 
country  by  Semites  from  the  West.7  It  is  not  the  purpose  of  the  writer  to  dis- 
cuss the  question  here,  except  to  refer  to  the  material  from  the  inscriptions, 
upon  which  these  conclusion  are  based,  and  to  add,  in  the  light  of  the  new  data, 
one  or  two  inferences. 

There  has  been  known  from  a lexicographical  text  for  a long  time,  the 
equation  um  nu-uh  lib-bi  = sa-bat-tum  ( CT  18,  23:17),  which  was  translated 
“day  of  rest  of  the  heart  = shabattum. ” This  word  was  regarded  by  many 
scholars  as  the  name  of  the  day  mentioned  in  the  Hemerology,  referred  to  below, 
in  which  certain  duties  were  prescribed  for  the  king  on  the  7th,  14th,  19th,  21st, 
and  28th  days  of  the  month.  Subsequently  the  equation  was  determined  to 
mean  not  a rest  day  for  man,  but  the  day  of  the  appeasement  of  the  heart  of  the 
gods,  as  it  was  found  in  appeals  to  displeased  deities.  More  recently  it  was 
shown  that  sliabattum,  which  was  a synonym  of  gamdru  “to  be  full,”  was  the 
name  of  the  15tli  days  of  the  month,  when  the  moon  was  full,  and  had  nothing 
to  do  with  the  days  mentioned  in  the  Hemerology.8  It  is,  however,  still  main- 
tained that  this  Babylonian  sliabattum  or  shapattum  is  the  origin  of  the  Hebrew 
sabbath.  In  this  the  writer  does  not  acquiesce.  The  fact  that  there  is  no  root 
in  Assyrian  from  which  shabattum  as  a synonym  of  the  root  gamdru,  “to  com- 

7 See  Clay  Amurru,  the  Home  of  the  Northern  Semites,  p.  55  f. 

8 Pinches  Proc.  Soc.  Bib.  Arch.  1904,  p.  51  f. 


THE  BABYLONIAN  SABBATH 


79 


plete,  to  fulfill,  to  bring  to  an  end,  to  destroy”  can  be  derived,  and  there  is  in 
the  Western  and  Southern  groups  of  Semitic  languages  a root  from  which  the 
word  sabbath  is  derived,  namely,  nnt2  “to  cut  off,  to  desist,  to  put  an  end  to, 
to  destroy,”  seems  a very  substantial  argument  for  maintaining  that  the  name 
of  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  month  was  of  West  Semitic  origin,  and  not  vice 
versa. 

Recently  the  view  has  been  advanced  that  originally  the  Hebrew  sabbath 
was  also  the  time  of  the  full  moon,  i.  e.,  on  the  15th  day,  and  that  the  use  of  it 
for  the  end  of  the  week  was  introduced  later.  With  this  question  we  are  not 
here  directly  concerned,  but  if  it  should  prove  correct,  the  observance  of  the 
day  was  carried  to  Babylonia  at  an  early  time  which  was  prior  to  the  adoption 
of  the  term  “sabbath”  for  the  quarters  of  the  month. 

There  has  been  known  for  a long  time  what  has  been  called  the  Hemerology 
for  the  months  Second  Elul  and  Marche  svan, 9 in  which  on  the  7th,  14th,  21st, 
19th,  and  28tli  days,  certain  duties  were  prescribed  for  the  king,  diviner,  physi- 
cian, and  imprecator.  Although  this  has  been  frequently  translated,  in  view 
of  the  bearing  it  has  on  the  new  find,  it  it  is  here  again  translated:  “An  evil 
day.  The  shepherd  of  great  peoples  shall  not  eat  flesh  cooked  over  coals  of  an 
oven;  he  shall  not  change  the  garment  of  his  body;  he  shall  not  put  on  clean 
(clothes) ; a sacrifice  he  shall  not  offer;  the  king  shall  not  ride  in  his  chariot; 
he  shall  not  speak  as  a king ; the  diviner  shall  not  give  a decision  in  the  secret 
place ; the  physician  shall  not  lay  his  hand  upon  the  sick ; it  is  not  suitable  to 
pronounce  a curse.  At  night,  the  king  shall  bring  his  gift  before  Marduk  and 
Islitar;  he  shall  offer  a sacrifice.  The  lifting  up  of  his  hands  is  pleasing  to 
the  god,” 

This,  as  has  been  pointed  out  frequently,  contains  most  interesting  parallels 
to  the  restrictions  for  the  sabbath  day  which  are  known  from  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. But  especially  interesting  is  it,  as  well  as  the  new  find,  in  the  light  of  the 
directions  given  by  Ezekiel  to  be  observed  by  the  prince  on  behalf  of  the  nation ; 
namely,  that  on  the  sabbath  he  shall  offer  unto  the  Lord  six  lambs  and  a 
ram  (46:4).  It,  of  course,  cannot  be  said  that  the  tablets  under  consideration 
refer  to  provision  being  made  for  the  animal  that  was  to  be  offered  by  the  king, 
which  is  mentioned  in  the  Hemerology  on  these  days ; but  they  do  show  that  one 
was  actually  provided  on  these  days  in  addition  to  the  regular  offerings  for 
each  day  of  the  month.  The  19th  day,  mentioned  in  the  same  connection  in  the 
Hemerology,  is  not  included  among  the  days  upon  which  this  offering  was  made. 


Rawlinson  IV  2,  32  and  33. 


80 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


The  Hemerology,  as  is  known,  makes  no  provision  for  the  common  people 
to  observe  these  days.  As  has  been  frequently  pointed  out,  one  need  only  exam- 
ine the  dates  in  the  indices  of  volumes  containing  contracts,  to  demonstrate  the 
fact  that  the  general  activities  of  life  were  not  interrupted  on  these  days.  And 
it  might  be  added  that  the  same  is  true  for  the  15th  day  of  the  month,  or 
shabattum.  Moreover,  there  is  nothing  in  the  contract  literature,  in  the  law 
codes,  in  the  religious  texts,  or  in  fact  in  any  text  which  points  to  a cessation 
from  labor  by  the  people.  This  idea  does  not  seem  to  have  been  imported  from 
the  West. 

As  is  known,  there  were  those  in  the  ancient  Jewish  church,  and  there  are 
those  who  at  the  present  maintain  that  the  sabbath  originally  belonged  to  the 
lunar  month,  instead  of  occurring  as  it  now  does,  in  a succession  of  seven  days, 
or  at.  the  end  of  the  week.  One  is  impressed  with  this  view  when  he  reflects 
upon  how  the  entire  system  of  feasts,  new  moons,  sabbaths,  and  solemn  assem- 
blies were  coupled  up  with  the  lunar  month,  and  the  way  the  new  moon  and  the 
sabbaths  are  frequently  mentioned  together  (Is.  1:13;  Amos  8:5,  etc.). 

The  somberness  and  austereness  of  these  days  in  the  Hemerology,  at  least 
as  regards  the  provisions  for  the  individuals  referred  to,  can  be  paralleled  by 
ideas  pertaining  to  the  Hebrew  sabbath.  While  it  was  pre-eminently  a day  of 
rest,  and  was  regarded  as  a day  of  joy,  there  are  also  indications  that  it  was 
an  austere  occasion,  especially  in  the  early  history  of  the  people.  It  was  not 
only  a day  when  sacrifices  were  offered,  but  also  a day  when  the  people  were 
forbidden  to  leave  their  homes  (Ex.  16:29);  to  kindle  fires  (Ex.  35:3);  and, 
therefore,  not  to  eat.  anything  cooked  on  fire  (Ex.  16: 23). 10  While  the  critical 
position  is,  that  in  the  late  days  of  Jewry  these  restrictions  were  introduced  into 
the  history  of  the  early  period,  that  is  simply  a hypothesis,  and  cannot  be 
proved.  Rather  does  it  seem  that  these  ideas  are  a survival  of  an  early  period. 
And  that  they  were  introduced  into  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  is  but  another  indi- 
cation of  the  influence  of  the  West  upon  those  lands.  In  short,  it  is  maintained 
that  at  some  time  the  old  order  was  changed,  which  was  that  the  sabbath 
occurred  at  the  end  of  the  quarters  of  the  moon,  when  the  moon  seems  to  the 
observer  to  come  to  a standstill.  As  is  well  known,  the  actual  quarters  of  the 
lunar  month  are  about  7%  days  long.  It  is,  therefore,  easy  to  understand  how 
the  seventh  day,  the  fourteenth  day,  etc.,  were  set  apart  as  the  time  to  celebrate 
the  sabbath.  The  observance  of  these  days  in  Babylonia,  as  is  evidenced  by 
the  Hemerology  and  the  tablets  here  published,  seems  to  indicate  that  in  the 

10  Jastrow  Hebrew  and  Babylonian  Traditions,  p.  168. 


THE  BABYLONIAN  SABBATH 


81 


West,  whence  the  custom  very  probably  came,  the  sabbath  was  earlier  also  cele- 
brated at  the  same  time,  i.  e.,  on  the  7th,  14th,  21st  and  28th  days,  instead  of 
every  seventh  day  or  at  the  end  of  the  week. 

No.  52.  Building  Inscription  of  the  Seleucid  Era,  244  B.  C. 

This  cylinder  inscription  is  the  first  of  its  kind  belonging  to  the  Seleucid 
era  that  has  been  published.  The  work  which  the  cylinder  commemorates  was 
done  by  a Babylonian  named  Anu-uballit,  who  had  been  given  the  Greek  name 
Nikiqarqusu.  Anu-uballit,  who  was  of  the  well  known  Erechian  family  Ah’utu, 
is  referred  to  in  the  legal  documents  from  Erech,  written  prior  to  this  event, 
under  his  Babylonian  name.1  In  subsequent  documents  there  is  a certain 
Nikarqusu  (N tKaPXo<s)2  of  the  same  family,  namely,  Ah’utu  (see  BRM  II,  p.  71), 
who  apparently  was  the  same  individual,  although  the  name  is  written  some- 
what differently.  The  inscription  informs  us  that  the  Greek  name  had  been 
given  this  Babylonian  by  Antiochus,  the  former  king.  He  was  the  shanu,  of 
Erech,  or  the  second  in  command,  perhaps  the  prefect  of  the  city.  There  are 
a number  of  instances  known  of  individuals  assuming  a second  name.  Even 
some  bearing  Babylonian  names  in  this  period  changed  them  to  other 
Babylonian  names  (see  BRM  II,  p.  16). 

The  special  value  of  the  inscription  is  to  be  found  in  the  names  of  gates 
and  shrines,  particularly  that  of  the  gods  Anum  and  Antum,  which  was  called 
Ezienna.  The  name  of  the  ancient  temple  of  Erech,  namely,  E-an-na,  is  not 
found  in  the  inscription.  The  suggestion  which  the  writer  made  in  connection 
with  the  legal  documents  of  this  period,  that  perhaps  the  old  fane  was  to  be 
recognized  in  Bit-resh,  which  occurs  quite  frequently  in  those  texts,  seems  to 
find  support  in  the  present  text,  where  Bit-resh  is  the  temple  of  Anum  and 
Antum;  and  yet  the  name  bit-resh  appears  in  the  tenth  line,  in  a list  of  build- 
ings or  parts  of  the  temple,  namely  bit  duri,  bit  resh,  bit  dullu  and  bit  papain. 
It  would  seem  perhaps  that  bit-resh  had  been  the  name  of  the  chief  building  of 
the  precinct,  as  indicated  in  line  ten,  and  in  the  late  period  it  displaced  E-an-na 
as  the  name  of  the  entire  complex. 

The  cylinder  is  dated  in  the  month  Nisan  of  the  68th  year  of  Seleucus  (II), 
which  would  be  244  B.  C.,  and  is  intended  to  commemorate  work  done  for  the 

1 Cf.  Clay  Babylonian  Records  in  the  Library  of  J . P.  Morgan,  II,  p.  53. 

2 The  absence  in  the  Greek  nomenclature,  as  far  as  the  writer  knows,  of  anything 
nearer  than  this  name  suggests  the  idea  that  it  has  been  poorly  reproduced  in  this  text. 


82 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


lives  of  the  king’s  Antioclius  and  Seleucus.  This  raises  the  question  to  which 
Antioclms  does  it  refer,  since  Antioclius  II  (Theos),  the  predecessor  of  Seleu- 
cus II,  according  to  Eusebius,  died  in  the  66th  year  of  the  era  (246  B.  C.).  The 
dated  Babylonian  documents,  as  shown  by  the  writer  (see  BUM  II,  p.  13),  con- 
firm the  date  that  is  generally  given,  when  the  change  in  the  reign  took  place; 
i.  e.,  the  last  tablet  dated  in  the  reign  of  Antioclms  If,  thus  far  found,  belongs 
to  the  65th  year;  and  the  first  of  the  reign  of  Seleucus  II,  is  dated  on  the  22nd 
of  Sivan,  of  the  67th  year.  It,  is  scarcely  possible  that  the  name  Antioclius 
could  refer  to  the  son  of  Berenice,  his  Egyptian  wife ; who  at  the  death  of 
Antioclms  II,  proclaimed  her  son  king,  at  Antioch,  both  mother  and  son  being 
killed  a little  later.  Laodice,  his  first  wife,  as  is  well  known,  proclaimed  her 
young  son,  as  king,  at  Ephesus.  There  was  still  a younger  son,  named  Antioclms. 
Years  later,  in  his  extremity,  Seleucus  entreated  Antioclius  to  cross  the  Taurus, 
and  assist  him ; showing  independent  authority  of  the  latter.  This  seems  to  be 
confirmed  by  an  inscription,  giving  a list  of  offerings  to  the  temple  Brancliindae, 
made  by  the  kings  Seleucus  and  Antioclius,  who  are  regarded  the  same  as  those 
under  consideration,  by  some  scholars.  Later,  it  is  found,  that  Antioclius 
Hierax,  as  he  was  called,  supported  by  Laodice,  his  mother,  endeavored  to 
wrest  the  rule  from  his  brother,  but  eventually  lost  his  life,  not  long  before  the 
death  of  Seleucus.  The  question  for  the  historian  of  this  period  to  determine 
is,  why  did  Anu-uballit  (Nikarqusu),  shortly  after  Seleucus  was  acknowledged 
king,  as  the  date  of  the  document  indicates,  dedicate  his  work  on  the  temple 
at  Erecli,  for  the  life  of  both,  Antioclius  and  Seleucus,  whom  he  calls  kings,  and 
whose  names  appear  in  a reversed  order. 

TRANSLITERATION. 

arl,uNisannu  sattu  68kan  mSi-lu-ku  sar  mdAnu-uballit  apil  mdAnu-iq-sur  apil 
m Ah-’-u-tu 

am‘elsa-nu  sa  Urukki  sa  An-ti-’-i-ku-su  sar  mdtdtimeS 
mNi-ki-qa-ar-qu-su  sumi-su  sa-nu-u  is-kun-nu 

bit  ri-es  bit  dAnum  u An-tum  ka-mali  bdbu  rabu-u  man-za-za  dPap-sukal 
5 ni-ri-bu  bit  ri-es  bdbu  rabu  man-za-za  dNusku  bdbu  ni-ri-bu 
2 bdbdnimcS  sa  a-na  id-di  sadu  pitu{BAD-u) 
kd-lie-en-gdl-la  bdb  mu-se-ri-i  hi-sib  sadi-i 
naphar  3 bdb  dm  sa  a-na  kd-an-na  pitu(BAD-u)  7 bit  tarbasemcs 
id-di  bit  tarbasu  sa  bara-nam-mes  ina  lib-bi  nadu  ( SUB-u ) 

10  bit  duri  bit  ri-es  bit  dul-lumeS  bit  pa-pa-himcS  sa  ilanimeS  rabutimei 


INSCRIPTION  OF  THE  SELF  PC  ID  ERA 


83 


u bit  tarbasemeS-su-nu  epus(-us)-ma  u-sak-lil 

daltemeS  i$-si  i-ri-su  tabu  epus(-us)-ma  ina  sip-pimeS-su  u-rit-ti 

ki-il-li-li  biti  ilmi  ( N I GIN -mi ) 

sik-kur  liurdsu  sibbu(MIR)  liurasu  epus(-us)-ma  ina  kd-mah  a-na  kd-an-na 
sakin  ( GAR ) -nu 

15  a-na  bul-ta  sa  mAn-ti- ’-i-ku-su  u mSi-lu-ku  sarrdnimel  epus(-us)-ma  u-sak-lil 
arbuNisannu  umu  8ban  dA-num  u An-tum  userib  (TU)-nia 
ina  e-zi-en-na  bit  pa-pa-hi  ina  sub-ti-su-nu 
a-na  da-ra-a-tu  u-sib-bi  gi-nu-u  sat-tuk-ku 
ki-ma  mah-ri-im-ma  u-kin-in-ni  ki-rib-su 

TRANSLATION. 

The  month  Nisan,  year  68th  of  Seleucus,  king,  Ami-uballit,  son  of  Ann-iqsur, 
son  of  Ah’utu, 

the  shanu  (second  officer)  of  Erech,  whom  Antiochus,  king  of  countries, 
gave  as  Ills  second  name,  Nikiqurqusu, 

of  Rit-resh,  the  house  of  Anum  and  Antum,  ka-maii,  the  great  gate  of  the 
place  of  Pap-sukal, 

5 the  entrance  to  Bit-resh,  the  great  gate  of  the  place  of  Nusku,  the  entrance- 
gate; 

(i.  e.)  two  gates,  which  open  towards  the  south  side, 

ka-he-en- gal-la,1  the  gate  which  brings  the  rich  produce  of  the  mountains ; 
total  three  gates,  which  open  towards  Ka-an-na;  seven  courts 
were  placed  on  the  side  of  the  court  of  the  bara-nam-mesh  (or  oracle 
chambers) ; 

10  the  precinct  wall,  Bit-resh,  the  service  building,  and  the  shrines  of  the  great 
gods 

and  their  courts  (Anu-uballit)  made,  and  finished. 

Doors  of  good  fragrant  wood  he  made,  and  in  its  threshold  he  placed. 

He  surrounded  the  house  with  a cornice. 

A gold  bolt  and  a gold  band  he  made,  and  placed  in  ka-mah  for  Ka-an-na, 

15  for  the  life  of  Antiochus  and  Seleucus,  kings,  he  made  and  finished. 

On  Nisan,  eighth  day,  he  caused  Anum  and  Antum  to  enter,  and 

1 Kd-he-en-gdl-la  ‘ ‘ gate  of  abundance.  ’ ’ King  lias  kindly  called  my  attention  to  the 
names  and  titles  of  the  gates  of  Nineveh,  GT  XXVI,  p.  18  f.,  where  the  seventh  gate, 
named  Abul  m&tHa-tam-M,  bears  a title  with  a parallel  meaning  to  me-se-ri-i  (III  1,  Part 
mi)  hi-sib  sadi-i,  namely,  ha-bi-lat  hi-sib  hur-sa-a-ni. 


84 


M ISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


in  E-zi-en-na  the  shrine,  in  their  dwelling  place, 
forever  lie  made  dwell.  Sacrifices  (and)  offerings, 
as  formerly,  lie  established  in  it. 

No.  53.  The  Yale  Syllabary. 

This  syllabary,  which  contains  more  than  a hundred  different  signs,  gives 
in  the  first  column  the  Sumerian  values;  in  the  second,  the  sign  to  be  explained; 
in  the  third,  the  name  of  the  sign;  and  in  the  fourth,  the  Semitic  value  corre- 
sponding to  the  Sumerian  value  in  the  first  column.  Although  it  partially 
duplicates  tablets  and  fragments  which  have  been  published,  it  contains  a 
number  of  hither  unknown  signs,  with  their  values,  besides  correcting  several 
which  have  been  imperfectly  transcribed.  But  of  special  importance  are  the 
several  hundred  new  values  in  Sumerian  and  Babylonian,  not  to  mention  the 
names  of  the  signs,  about  three  score  of  which  appear  here  for  the  first  time. 


THE  YALE  SYLLABARY. 


1 

inti 

[a-a-u] 

2 [a] (B  11324) 

if 

TT 

3 

it 

TT 

4 

TT 

TT 

5 [me-e]  (B  11347) 

II 

TT 

6 [a-a]  (B  11347) 

IT 

TT 

7 [i-si-is]  (B  11712) 

sa  -a  - a - kn  - i - gi  - i - gul) 

8 [ir]  (cf.  B 11609) 

Hr 

TT  TT  TT 

9 [i-si-is]  (B  11717) 

TT  TT  TT 

10 

TT  -ba-at-ta-  TT 

11 

TT  -la-gar-gu-na  TT 

12 

[TKT  V 

TT  -a-a-  TT 

13 

[TW  WJ 

[ TT  ] -ku-u-a-  TT 

14 

[Tf] 

za-zu-u 

15 

m 

[TT] 

16 

[TT] 

[TT] 

17  [lira-mu] 

[TT] 

[TT] 

18 

[W« 

[sa-za-zu-ku]  -i-gi-gis-pu-u- 

19  [gur]  (B  10182) 

tw 

[la-g]  ab-bu 

20  [si  . . .]  (SA7  7673) 

[TT] 

TT 

21  [gur]  (B  10183) 

[TT] 

TT 

22  [gi  . . .]  (SA/7696) 

[TT] 

TT 

23  [ki-ir]  (B  10195) 

i’pj 

TT 

24  [gi-rin]  (SAI  7697) 

TO! 

TT 

25  [gi-rim] 

TO] 

TT 

26  [ni-mi-en] 

[p] 

TT 

27  [ni-mi-en] 

[TT] 

TT 

28 

[TT] 

TT 

29  [el-lag] 

[TT] 

TT 

30  [gi-rim] 

[pn 

TT 

31 

[TT] 

TT 

32  [el-lag?] 

rni 

TT 

33  [ni-gin] 

[pi 

TT 

34  [ni-gin]  (B  10335) 

[’TO! 

[la]  -gab-na-bi 

35 

[TTT] 

TT  TT 

36  [ni-gin]  (B  10334) 

tTOn 

TT  TT 

37  [ni-gin]  (B  10339) 

[TOl 

TT  TT 

38  [gi-gir]  (SAI  7743) 

W 

sa  la-gab-ba-ku-bat-ta-i  gub 

[ ba]-da-qu 
[a] -bio  (B  11324) 

. ...  a 
[k]a-ka-si-ga 
mu-u(B  11347) 

IT 

ba-ku-u  (B  11712) 
di-im-tum  (cf. B 11609) 
si-ih-tum  (B  11717) 
a-gam-mu 

du-us-su-u  sa  me  ndri 
ap-lum  (DAL3  314) 
ha-la-qu  | na-bu-tu  | narl- 
qu-u 

ka-ka-si-ga 
sa-ba-rum 
a-mi-lu  (SAI 9000) 
ir-bi-ti  (cf.  B 3782) 
kur-ra-i-gub  | sur-i-ni 
kab-ru  (B  10182)  [ ra-bu-u 
(B  10200) 

ka-ka-si-ga  (SAI  7673) 
kab-tum  (B  10183) 
ka-ra-su  (cf.  SAI  7696) 
na-gar-ru-ru  (B  10195) 
qi-ir-su  sa  pa-ha-ru  (SAI 
7697) 
el-lu 
la-mu-u 
sa-ha-ru 

su-ru-u  (cf.  SAI  7702) 

[kub] -bu-tio (B  10188  | pu- 
uk-kio  | me-ik-ku 
(B  10193)  | a-tar-tu 
sa  GI-BIN  il-lu-ru 
[a]-a-bu  (SAI  7638) 

[p»]  -qu 

[nap]-ha-ru  (SAI  7682) 
[IT]  (B  10335) 

[TT] 

| la]-mu-u  (B  10334) 
[sa]-ha-ru  (B  10339) 
nar-kab-tu  (SAI  7743) 


86 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


39  [gi-nar]  ($ All 872) 

40  [gi-nar]  ( SAI  7798) 

41  [bu-ru] 

42  [tu-ul]  (SAI  7784) 

43  [n.b] -(SAI  7786) 

44  [ha-ab] 

45  [tu-ul]  (SAI  7794) 

46  [ga-sal]  (SAI  7776) 

47  [ga-sal]  (SAI  7826) 

48  gu-ru-un  (SAI  7904) 

49  [a]  m-bar  (SAI  7844) 

50  [s] u-ug  (B  10310) 

51  a-a 


52  as-t e($OI  7846) 

53  bu-ni-in  ( B 10304) 


54  bu-gin 

55u-mab  (I>  10279) 
56  u-niun  (B  10278) 


57  [i]  (SAI  7 734) 

58  [i-icl]  (SAI  7735) 

59  [en-gur]  (SAI  7733) 

60  [naru-mu]  SAI  7735) 

61  [si-ir]  (B  10231) 

62  [ku-nin]  (B  10232) 

63  

64  

65  [a-gar]  (CT  12,26:36) 

66  [a-gar]  (SAI  7870) 

67  [e-da-ku-]u-a 

68  [da-ag-rin]  (SAI  7825) 

69  [za-ar]  (ef. B 10238) 

70  [su-ur]  ($07  7755) 

71  [se-rin?]  (SAI  7754) 

72  se-rin-sur  (SAI  7757) 

73  u-du-(  ?) 

74  im-man-du 

75  ki-li-na  (SAI  7782) 

76  du-ru-na 

77  bu-un 

78  

79  

80  

81 


r0>] 

iWo 

i£To 

[jSp] 

[KM 

IjKp.] 


TT 

-di-li-te-na- 

TT 

TT 

-gis-pa- 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

-al-la- 

TT 

TT 

-ki-ka-a- 

TT 

la-gab 

- lim-mu-bi- 

i-gi-gub- 

sa-la-gab-ba-ku-a-a-i-gub 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

-nin-da- 

TT 

TT 

-gis-pa-a-a- 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

-lial-la- 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

F 

TT 

TT 

TT  -mu-ljal-dim-nu-til-la  TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

-(1  a-ra- 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT  -i- 

gi-gu-na 

TT 

TT  -a-a-nin-da- 

TT 

TT  -a-a 

-da-da-ku-u 

-a-  TT 

TT 

-ku-ga- 

TT 

TT 

-zu-u-na 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

-se-a-  TT 

TT 

TT 

-pi  ( ?)-a- 

TT 

TT 

-im-ma- 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

[TT 

TT 

TT] 

TT  (SAI  7872) 

IT  (SAI  7798) 
su-tum 

is-su-u  (SAI  7784) 
up-pu  (SAI  7786) 
bu-  ’-su 

ka-lak-ku  (SAI  7794) 

TT  (*807  7776) 

TT  (SAI  7826) 
bu  | in-bi  (SAI  7904) 
ap-pa-ru  (SAI  7844) 
zu-zu-u  (B  10310) 
i-sik-tu  sa  l?suklu  (SUK- 
LUM)  su-ma 
as-te  dlu  ( UltU-KI ) 
bu-nin-nu  sa  memei 
(B  10304) 

bu-gin-nu  sa  a-ka-lu 
mi-ih-su  (B  10279) 
ha-am-mu  sa  memeS 
(B  10278) 

na-a-rum  ($07  7734) 
clNdru  (SAI  7735) 
ap-su-u  (SAI  7733) 
dNaru(  ?)  ($077735) 
it-tu-u  (B  10231) 
ku-nin-nu  sa  qam(B  10232) 
na-hal-lum  (SAI  7751) 
su-ut-ta-tum  ($07  7752) 
u-ga-rum 

u-gar  babi  ali(URU-KI) 
si-hi-il  nu-ni 
ta-mir-tu 
sa-ar-ri  sa  se-im 
sa-ra-ru  ($07  7755) 
si-si-tum  (ef.  $07  7754) 
tu-sa-ru  sa  nab-bil-lum 
pi-en-du 
ti-nu-ru 
TT 
TT 

[na-ap-pa]  -hu 


THE  YALE  SYLLABARY 


87 


82  nin-na  (B  10287) 

83  ab-lal  (B  10318) 

84  kin-bur  (B  10319) 

85  su-u  (B  10295) 


86 su-ta  (B  10296) 

87  ga-a-a-fi  ( SAI 7760) 

88  su-ru  (cf.  SAI  7761) 

89  IT  (cf.  SAI  7765) 

90  IT  (cf.  SAI  7766) 

91  u (SAI  7762) 

92u-a 

93  la-ah-rum 

94  ga-nam 

95  i-ri-ib 

96  bu-u 

97  bu-ul 

98  bu-ur 

99  za-an-sur 

100  tu-ku 

101  ni-in-na  (B  10287) 

102  gu-kin 

103  me-e 

104  sak-du-du 

105  mus-sa-ga-na 


106  me-en 

107  pa-ra 

108  IT 

109  TT 

110  TT 

111  sa-ra 

112  TT 

113  ku-u  (B  10542) 

114  gu-  mus(sir) 

115  gu-mus(sir) 

116  gu-u 

117  TT 

118  ii-gu 

119  su-u 

] 20  su-us 

121  tu-us  (B  10513) 


TT] 

TT] 


TT] 

TT] 

TT] 

TT] 

TT] 

TT] 

[TT] 

[TT] 

[TT] 

[TT] 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 


[es-se-pui™nru]  (B  10287] 
[qin-nu  sa  issuri] 

(B 10319) 

[qi-bur-ru  sa  issuri] 
[zi-ir-qu  \ am-bu] 

(£10295) 

[ TT  TT  ](£ 10296) 
[ an-su ] (SAI  7760) 
[ka-bu-u]  ( SAI  7761) 

[ ru-ub-su ] (SAI  7765) 
[tar-ba-su]  (SAI  7766) 
[la-ah-ru]  (SAI  7762) 

[ bu-ha-lum ] (cf.  SAI  8202) 
[ la-ah-ru ] 

[im-mir-tu] 


[te-zu-u]  Glossar,  p.  277. 
TT  TT 

nu-u[s-su  sa  . . .],  TJMBS 
V,  104,  11:9 

sa  AZ 

na[-a-su  sa  SAK  . . .] 
VMBS  V,  104,  II : 8 
sa  dNIN-BUL-BUL-HU 
[ es-se-pu ] (cf .B  10287) 
da-ad-me 
ta-ha-zu 

ma-ha-su  sa  tab-di-e 
ka-ru-ur-tu  sa  naspanti 
( UR-BAB-RA ) 
a-gu-u 
sar-ri 
TT 
TT 

ba-sa-mu 

di§aru 

TT 

na-du-u  (B  10542) 
saKU-UD-DU  sal-ki(  ?)- du 
sa  KAK-KU-US  kak-ku-su 
sa  KU-LI  ib-ri(  cf.  B 10579) 
sa-bat-ti 

ba-nu-u  \ a-la-du 
a-sa-bu 
TT 
TT 


(B  10523) 


88 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


122  du-ur 

g 

TT 

su-pur-ri 

123  du-rum 

% 

TT 

TT 

124  du-ru-na 

TT 

pi  sa  bu-samet 

1 25  du-ru 

g 

TT 

TT 

126  du-ur  (SAI 7981) 

TT 

za-ra-tu  ( SAI  7981) 

127  tu-u(  ?) 

ft 

TT 

sa  LIB-TUB  sa-as-su-rum 
(cf.  B 8010) 

128  i 

P 

TT 

lu-bu-us-tu  (B  10534) 

129  bi-e 

MW 

TT  bi-it  | IvU  | TT 

te-zu-u  (cf.  SAI  8125) 

130  su-uli 

TT  se-e  | KU  TT 

zu-u 

131  bu-it 

TT  bu-u  j KU  | TT 

na-sa-hu 

132  di-ib 

TT 

sa-ba-tu 

133  nu( '? ) -u 

TT 

sa  BIM-KU  u-tul-lu 
(B  8877) 

134  tu-kul 

% 

TT 

kak-ku  (B  10529) 

135  dur-dur  (ef.  B 10646) 

gg 

tu-kul-min-na-bi 

sa-la-lu  (cf. B 10646)  | 

. . tam(  1)-lu(  ?)  . . . 

136  mi-it-ta 

'gw 

TT  -di-gi-ra-ku 

kak-l<u  sa  [ta-ha-zi] 

137  IT 

TT  -i-di-im-me-ku 

TT  sa  .... 

138  tu-u  (B  10551) 

g 

tu-kul-lum 

su-ba-tu  (B  10551) 

139  tu-ug  (B  10551) 

g 

TT 

TT  (B  10551) 

140  niu-u 

TT 

na-al-ba-su 

1 41  na-am 

*p 

TT 

te-e-mu 

142  du-ul 

g 

TT 

sa  MAS-KU  Tcu-si-tu 

143  u-mus 

g 

TT 

pak-ku  | te-e-mu 

144  du-ul  (B  9582) 

xl 

gis-pu-tu-kul-lum 

ka-ta-mu  (B  9582) 

145  su-dul 

g 

TT 

ni-i-rum 

146  zi-i  (B  10530) 

% 

tu-kul-lum 

ki-e-mu  (Ii  10530) 

147  es  (ef .B  10500) 

n 

TT 

TT  | u- ( ? ) -tu 

148  lju-un 

g 

TT 

na-a-hu-u  (B  10540) 

149  gi-e  (SAI  7992) 

u 

TT 

ru-[bu]-u  (SAI  7992) 

150  e-gi  (cf.  B 10501) 

1 

TT 

ru-ba-tu(  ?) 

151  ub 

’p 

TT 

sa  LU-KU  [ lu-ub-bu ] (cf. 
SAI  8212) 

152  e-es 

g 

TT 

TT 

153  se-e 

% 

TT 

di  ...  . 

154  e-es 

TT 

ib-[du-u]  (B  10527) 

155 lu-u  (B  6915) 

tu-kul-gu-nu-u 

da-la  [dm]  (B  6915) 

156  ga-ar 

& 

TT  TT 

sa  A-GAB  [ariio.ru]  (cf. 
SAI  8915) 

157  gu-ug  (B  6916) 

te 

TT  TT 

ku-uk-[ku]  (B  6916) 

158  ka-ra 

kur  ?-te-nu-u 

ri-ik-su  | da  ...  . 

159  ki-ri 

TT 

ki-ri-tum  sa  GIS  . . . 

160 

u-du-u 

du-us-sii-u  (SAI  8174 
ri-e-u  (SAI  8181) 

161 

TT 

man-za-zu  sa  alpi  u 
imme[ri]  LU[-ABAD] 

THE  YALE  SYLLABARY 


89 


162  lu-u 

163  si-i 

164  i-si 

165  u-clu  (I?  10681) 

166  la 

167  gu-uk-kal  (5AZ8223) 

168  ka-a 

169  ki-lim 

170  gi-li-im 

171  gi-li-li 

172  pi-es 

173  ki-si  (cf.  5 11937) 

174  si-ki 

175  u 

176  u-a 

177  la-te 

178  da-ra 

179  ni-na-a 

180  ga-nam 

181  e-ri-en 

182  se-e 

183  se-es 

184  si-kin 

185  ad -kin 

186  as 

187  mun-su-ub 

188  gu-ru 

189  sa-a 

190  si-ig 

191  IT 

192  TT 

193  hu-ud 

194  ha-ad 

195  pa-a 

196  gi-sim-mar 

197  gis-nim-bar 

198  ga-al 

199  iq 

200  di-ib  (510676) 


TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

sa-u-da-ku-bat-ta-i-gub 

u-da-bir-ra-a-nu-til-ln-n 

pi-e-su 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

si-ku-u 

si-ki-di-lu-u 


TT  TT 
TT  TT 
TT  TT 
TT  TT 
TT  TT 

si-ki-nun-na-ku 
TT  -lam-ma-ku 
TT  TT 

TT  TT 

TT  TT 

TT  -lam-su-hu-ru-u 
TT  TT  TT 
TT  TT-lu-nh-su-u 
gi-sim-ma-ru 
TT 
TT 
TT 
TT 
TT 
TT 
TT 
TT 


lq-qu 

TT 

u-du-u 


201  i-si-ib  (510368) 

202  ma-a 

203  me-e  (5  10374) 
204me-en  (5  10358) 

205  ma-a 

206  me-e 


v- 

v- 

Y- 

Y~ 

V 

T^- 


me-mu-u 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 

TT 


im-me-rum 

TT 

TT  eme-sal 
TT  (510681) 
pag-ri  (5  12256) 
gu-uk-kal-lum  (5A7  8223) 
sih-hu-u 
nam-mas-tu 
TT 

nam-mas-su-u 

hu-mu-un-si-rum 

pi-a-zu 

si-pa-a-tu  | sar-ti 
lab-rum 
TT 
su 

da-’ -mu 
it-qu 

im-mir-tu 

e-ri-nu 

ba-ku-u 

pa-sa-su 

si-kin-nu 

mu-du-lu  | ki-ri-e-tu 
it-tu-ut-ti 
sar-tu 
ka-ru-u 
da-ma-qu 
TT 

dam-qu 

pa-sa-hu 

lia-da-du 

hat-tu 

kap-pu  | a-rum 
gi-sim-ma-rum 
TT 

ba-su-u  | na-sa-ru 
ri-tum 

ba-’-u  (5  10676  | e-ti-qu 
(510679) 
i-sip-pi  (5  10368) 
sa  KU-BA  na-al-ba-su 
par-su  (5  10374) 
a-na-ku  (5  10358) 
a-lu 
di-lu 


90 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


207  su-ur 

F 

la-al-lu 

su-qal-lu-lu  (S All 606) 

208 la-a 

r 

TT 

a-ma-rum  (B  10084) 

209  lal-la 

Jr 

la-al-min-na-bi 

ud-da-a-tu 

210  la- ’-u 

F 

TT  TT 

rib-ba-a-tu 

211  IT 

m 

TT  -a-a-ku 

TT  (B  10145) 

212  IT 

TT  -ia-a-ku 

213  TT 

FP 

TT  -qaq-qa-ku 

• • • • 

214  TT 

Trr 

TT  -gis-pu-u 

215  ni-gi-in 

nr 

TT  -la-gab-ba-bu 

na-gu-u  (B  10143) 

216 u-sar  (B  10139) 

Trgn 

TT  -ni-si-gu-u 

sit-ti  (B  10139) 

217  u-ku  ( Glossar , p.  39) 

Trffi 

TT  -a-ra-du-bu-u 

lab-nu  (cf.  SAI  1633) 

218  ljal-bi  {B  10136) 

TfH- 

TT  -hal-la-ku 

hal-pu-u  (B  10136) 

219  hal-ma-a 

WM 

TT  -gis-gal-la-ku 

[i]-nu  sa  buri 

220  kur  (B  1144)  . 

pa-ap-pu 

nak-rum  (B  1144) 

221  gur 

TT 

TT 

222  [pa?] -a 

U-c 

TT 

ka-ka-si-ga 

223  [gu]r(  ?)  (B  1142) 

U-C 

TT 

a-hu  (B  1 142) 

224  [pa]-ap  (SAI 647) 

TT 

a-sa-ri-du  ( SAI  647) 

225  [q] a-a  (. SAI  192 ) 

si-lu-u 

qa-u  (SAI  792) 

226  si-la 

# 

TT 

TT 

227  TT 

l$l 

TT 

[mi]  -sir -hi 

228pa-a  (SAI  676) 

im$i 

pa-ap-pu-e-ik  ( ? ) -ku 

[pal]-gu  (SAI  676) 

229  TT 

tH3n 

[ TT  -is-sa-ak-ku  (_  ? ) ] 

[ TT  ] (SAI  670) 

230  pa(  ?)-ap-u-kur 

[pa-ap-pu-i-gi-gu-nu-u] 

[sa  PAP-]IGIGUNU  u-ga- 
rum  (SAI  687) 

231  [i-s]i-mu  (B  1202) 

TT 

TT  us-mu-u  (SAI  688) 

232  bu-u 

[ka]  -as-ka-la 

na-sar-bu-tu 

233  es 

TT 

sa  GARAS-GA  ka-  . . . 

234  ir 

TT 

i-ri  . . . 

235  

TT 

sa  KAS-SAK  ( ? ) ur  . . . . 

236  

TT 

sa  KAS-GID 

237  

TT 

ut(  ?)-m(?)  . . . . 

238  

d 

239  

TT 

d 

240  

TT 

d 

241 

*1 

nu-un  ( ? ) -min-na-bi-la-gab- 

min-na-bi  | sub-t[um] 

242 

TT  TT  -gub-be 

TT  TT 

243  

fU-1 

ma-a-su 

. . . -an-tum 

244  [ma-as]  (SAI  1026) 

ISM 

TT 

mi-is-lum  (SAI  1026) 

245  

[U-] 

TT 

TT 

246  

UP] 

TT 

su-u-tu  ( SAI  1036) 

247  

m 

TT 

U-t'U 

248  

[kH 

TT 

ba-a-su  (cf.  SAI  997) 

249  [ma-as]  (&4./1020) 

[C-] 

TT 

ma-a-su  sa  eqli  (SAI  1020) 

250  [ TT  ] 

[U  ] 

TT 

eZ-Zw(B1750|t&-&tt(.B1754) 

251  [gi-di-im]  (SAI  1134) 

[>W 

mas-gi-es-pu-u 

e-kim-mu  (SAI  1134) 

THE  YALE  SYLLABARY  91 


252  [sag-man]  ( SAI 1136) 

mas-gi-es-pu-min-na-bi 

ma-a-su  ( SAI  1136  | ta-’-a- 

mu  (SAI  1137) 

253  [ma-as-ki-im]  ( B 5659) 

gi-es-tu-ru-u 

sa  MASKIM  ra-bi-su  (cf. 

715659) 

254  [si-ig]  ( B 5576) 

[frl 

TT 

ma-ha-su  (B  5576) 

255  [ IT  ] (SAI  3930) 

TT 

sa-ha-tu  (SAI  3930) 

256  

TT 

na-ba-tu 

257  [lu-ga]  (B  5612) 

TT 

sa  PA-MAL  sil-la-tu 

(B  5612) 

258  

3= 

TT 

sa-lu-u  sa  memeS 

259  

TT 

hu-ut-pu  sa  siparri 

260  [ha] -ad  (cf.B5573) 

TT 

hat-tic  sa  isi 

261  [pa] -a  (B  5570) 

TT 

kap-pu  (/SA73918)  | a-ru 

(B  5570) 

262  mu-ii-a 

TT 

id-lu 

263  mu-u-a-tn  (B  5579) 

TT 

dNabu  (B  5579) 

264  u-gu-la 

TT 

ak-lu  (B  5568)  | sa-pi-ru 

(B  5590) 

265  . . -hu-dur 

TT 

dl-sum 

266  [su]-ul-lat 

TT 

dN  abu 

267  . . .-man 

TT 

dSarru 

268  gi-it-ru 

TT 

hat-tu  (cf.  B 5573) 

269  mu-ud-ru 

TT 

TT  erne-sal 

270  [nu]  -us-ku  (B  5683) 

m 

ges-tu-ru-u-mu-sa-ku 

dNusku  (715683) 

271  . . . sag-du 

TT  TT 

TT 

272  [si] -pa  (cf.  71  5688) 

1 

TT  u-du-u 

ri-e-a-u  (B  5688) 

273  

TT  TT 

TT 

274  [b]a-an  mi-in 

ba-an-min-na-bi 

sit-ti  sa-a-at 

275  [b]a-an  es-su 

& 

TT  -es-se-ku 

si-bat 

276  su-bat 

TT  TT 

TT 

277  [b]a-an  lam-mu 

TT  -es-gi-di-ri-gu-u 

ir-bi  sa-a-at 

278  [TT] 

TT  -lim-mu-ku 

TT 

279  [ba-a]n  ia 

TT  -lim-mu-gi-di-ri-gn-u 

hansi  sa-a-at 

280  [TT] 

TT  -ia-a-ku 

TT 

281  as  (B  6745) 

di-es-su 

ar-ra-ti  (7?  6745) 

282  . . . ud 

TT 

ti-iq-tu 

283  zi-iz  (ef.  B 6750) 

TT 

kis-sa-tu(BA  X,  81  11:28) 

284  [b]a-ar  (711814,1730) 

ba-a-ru 

us-su-ru  (B  1814)  | a-ha-tu 

(B  1730) 

285  [TT] 

HP 

TT 

[ nu(  ? ) ] -us-su-u 

286  ib  (cf.  ibbi,  B 10488) 

m 

u-ra-su 

tu-pu-uq-tu  (B  10488) 

287  da-ra  (cf.  B 10483) 

TT 

is-lm  (B  10483)  | ni-bit-tu 

(7110485) 

288  ur-ta 

TT 

sa  dN IN-IB  su-ma 

289  u-ra-as  (7110478) 

) 

M 

TT 

pi-ris-ti 

290  ni-e 

mm 

mas-te-en-i-za-ku 

pu-luh-ti 

92 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


291  lil 

TT 

292  [TT] 

m 

TT  es-gis-pu-u 

293  

X 

mas-te-nu-u 

294  

X 

TT 

295  [su]-us 

X 

TT 

296  [e]n  (B  10857) 

w 

mas-te-en-a-na-ku 

297  se(  ?)-e 

m 

TT 

298  . . . gi 

TT  -mulda-ku 

299  ki-es  (cf.  B 10859) 

[W 

TT  -a-na-sar-ga-da-kidk-ku 

300  sudiu-ub  (71  10865) 

TT  -mulda-ku 

301  [ki-bid]r  (B  10870) 

TT  -di-es-se-ku 

302  [gi-bi-i]  1 (B  10871) 

TT  TT 

303  [su-du]-un  (71  10877) 

mm 

TT  -tu-gu-nu-se  ( ? ) 

304  [u-ku]  -us  (71  10887) 

m 

TT  -ra-nu-til-lu-u 

305  [hu-u]l  (71 10886) 

m 

TT  TT 

306  [bid]b-ra  (71  10883) 

TT  TT 

307  [su-us-sa-]na  (7111222) 

TT  -di-es-se-ku 

308  . . . -a 

TT  TT 

309  

X 

TT  TT 

310  [gi-dim]  (73  11307) 

m 

su-sa-na-sa-sa-ha-ra-ku-si- 

311  [sa-na-bi] 

m 

mas-te-en-min-na-bi 

312 

m 

TT  TT 

313 

m 

TT  TT 

314  [u-tug]  (cf.  B 11312) 

nww 

su-sa-na  sa-sa-ha-ra-ak 

-ku- 

315 

[vm 

TT 

TT 

316 

ivm 

TT 

TT 

317  [ga-ar-za] 

—4 

—4 

CfQ 

ob 

318 

. . . -se-tu-kul-kak-ka-ku 

319 

[TT] 

TT 

320  

[TT] 

TT 

321 

«... 

[TT] 

TT 

lil-lum 

TT 

e-ri-bu  sa  dsam-si  (cf. 

73  10828) 
e-ri-bu  sa  u-mi 
sa-ha-pu  (B  10839) 
sip-tu  ( B 10857) 
ba-su-u 

pa-ru-u  (cf.il  4991) 

Kes (SU-ER ) ki ( cf . 7110859) 
su-hup-pa-tu  ( B 10865) 
lii-bir-rum  (cf.  II  10870) 
qi-lu-tu  (B  10871) 
ni-i-rum  (71  10877) 
his-su-u  (71  10887) 
hi-du-tu  (H  10886) 
bi-ib-ru-u  (71 10883) 
su-us-sa-an  (7!  11222) 
si-ztt-u 

ma-an  sa-ah-ru 
la-i-gub  | e-Jcim-mu 
(B  11307) 
si-ni-pu 
si-in  si-zi-i 
si-in  ma-an  sa-ah-ru 
si-la-i-gub  | u-tuk-ku 
(7111309) 
se-e-du  (73  11308) 
ra-bi-su  ( B 11313) 
pa-ra-as  sa  sarri  (cf.  5647) 

(?)■(?)  -MU 

SU-SE-KU-KAK-BAR  ap- 
su-u  (71  10902) 


1.  Cf.  A = buduqtu  “Hood.”  B 11331. 

8.  For  A without  IGI  inserted  = dimtu,  cf.  71  11332. 

10.  The  sign,  which  is  called  sa-a-ku-ba-at-t  u-i-gub,  apparently  is  A with  BAD 
inserted.  If  this  is  correct,  it  is  new. 

11.  The  character  which  is  broken  away  is  new,  as  is  determined  by  its  name,  sa-a- 
k ud  a-g  a r-g  u-n  a-i-g  u b ; but  exactly  what  was  inserted  in  A,  is  not  certain.  The  sign 
meaning  lagar  in  Sumerian  and  lagaru  in  Semitic,  cf.  B 9574,  would  seem  to  be  the 
sign  called  lagar.  This  finds  support  in  the  fact  that  this  sign  with  SE  inserted,  cf.  B 
9612,  is  called  sad  a-ga-r  ak-ku-se-a-i-gub.  Lagar  with  gunu  would  then  seem  to 


THE  YALE  SYLLABARY 


93 


be  DUL,  but  in  line  144,  as  well  as  CT  1 1,  29  : 25a,  this  sign  is  called  g i s-p  u-t  u-k  u 1-1  a-k  u. 
A possible  explanation  is  that  two  original  signs  have  been  confused. 

13.  The  sign  called  s a-a-k  u-k  u-u-a-i-g  u b must  be  A with  HA  inserted.  In  CT  19, 
21 : 18b,  this  sign  occurs,  but  it  has  been  construed  as  ZA  with  HA  inserted,  cf.  B 11813, 
SAI  9075  (with?),  and  Barton  524.  In  answer  to  my  inquiry  King  informs  me  that 
R II,  44:3a  is  wrong,  K 4177  reading  quite  clearly  . He  regards  CT  19, 

21:18b  ( K 4362)  as  certainly  the  same. 

18.  The  sign  called  ....  i-g i-g i s-p u-u-k u r-r a-i-g u b has  the  value  sur-i-ni.  As 
it  follows  ZA,  it  would  seem  that  the  sign  which  is  wanting,  is  something  like  what  is 
indicated  in  the  restoration. 

25.  Cf.  girim,  Glossar,  p.  92. 

26.  Cf.  ni-mi-en  (emesal)  = la-wu-u-um,  UMBS  V,  102,  11:1;  which  shows  that 
the  root  is  ml’,  cf.  Latrille,  ZK  II,  p.  239. 

27.  Cf.  n-i-mi-en  (eme-sal)  = za-ha-rum,  UMBS  Y,  102,  II : 2. 

29.  For  el-lag,  cf.  Glossar,  p.  32;  also  cf.  e 1-1  a = pu-uq-qu,  UMBS  V,  102,  11:9. 

30.  With  GI-RIN  = illuru,  cf.  GI-RIN  = enbu,  B 2525.  See  also  Glossar,  p.  93. 

32.  [Pa]-qu  is  restored  on  the  basis  of  CT  12,  31:93068:9. 

33.  Perhaps  to  be  restored  [n  i-g  i-in]  = saharu,  cf.  Glossar,  p.  201. 

39.  The  sign,  as  in  CT  12,  31,  93068:16,  is  unfortunately  wanting.  Meissner  holds 
that  GE  ( isten ) is  enclosed,  see  SAI  7872. 

41.  Cf.  U = b u r u = su-ut-tu,  “hole,  shaft”  (A?  8769)  ; also  suttatu,  SAI  7807. 

44.  Cf.  h a b,  Glossar,  p.  285.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  sign  has  such  values  as 
bum,  hiritu,  suttatu,  etc.,  it  would  seem  that  bu-’-su  means  “cess-pool,”  and  that  the 
root  is  ba’dsu.  For  h a-a b = bi-’-sum,  cf.  UMBS  V,  102,  11:12. 

51.  See  uru-tum,  etc.,  Thompson  CT  12,  26:1b.  King  kindly  examined  the  tablet  in 
the  British  Museum,  and  informs  me  that  it  agrees  with  the  present  text.  Urutu(  ?) 
therefore  of  SAI  7845,  etc.,  must  be  corrected  accordingly. 

52.  A s-t  e is  apparently  the  name  of  a city,  cf.  the  Sumerian  a s-t  e — su-ma  dli, 
SAI  7846. 

54.  Cf.  Glossar,  p.  277.  Bu-gin-nu  sa  a-ka-lu,  “food  receptacle,”  is  a good  expla- 
nation of  the  sign.  LAGAB  with  ME  inserted,  CT  12,  26 : 7b,  has  the  same  values. 

63.  LAGAB  with  DAR  inserted  occurred  CT  12,  26:26b,  but  it  has  been  read 
LAGAB  with  BAD  -f-  KU  inserted  (Fossey  4848),  and  LAGAB  with  NA  inserted  (SAI 
7746).  On  the  synonyms  naliallum  and  suttatum,  cf.  line  41. 

65.  108  and  111.  This  character  frequently  occurs  in  the  tablets  from  Umma  as  the 

name  of  the  chief  deity,  but  for  which  the  reading  has  not  been  known.  In  the  text  here 
published,  the  Semitic  u-ga-rum  is  given.  In  CT  12,  26:36b,  it  also  occurs  partially 
preserved,  where  the  Sumerian  value  a-gar  is  given.  This,  doubtless,  suggested  the 
transcription  by  Assyria] ogists  of  LAGAB  with  GAR  inserted;  cf.  Fossey  4885,  and  SAI 
Till.  But  this  must  be  discarded.  In  lines  108  and  111  additional  values  are  given  for 
this  sign,  namely,  pa-ra  = sar-ri,  and  sa-ra  =dSam.  This  shows  that  the  reading  of  the 
name  of  Umma’s  chief  deity  is  now  known,  namely  Sa-ra  in  Sumerian,  and  Sam  or  Sarru 
in  Semitic  (see  under  Text  No.  16).  For  the  reading  BARA  = sa-a-ru,  cf.  Sb  355  (DAL”', 
p.  63);  and  = sarru  (LUGAL),  cf.  R IV,  46:7a.  For  dBARA  = Sa-ra,  cf.  SAI  10934, 
and  dBARUN  = d Sa-ra,  cf.  SAI  11296. 


94 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


66.  This  sign  occurs  in  CT  12,  26:37b,  with  the  Sumerian  value  a-gar,  which 
doubtless  is  equivalent  to  the  Semitic  value  of  the  present  text. 

67.  This  sign  occurred  CT  12,  26:38b  in  an  imperfect  form,  and  was  regarded  as 
having  A-D A-GAR  inserted,  instead  of  A-DA-IIA,  cf.  Fossey  4948;  SAI  7866  (with  a 
question  mark).  Cf.,  however,  Glossar,  p.  274.  Like  the  sign  in  line  106,  the  character 
is  related  to  PISANNU  with  A-DA-IIA  enclosed,  cf.  SAL  3862.  The  Semitic  meaning 
of  the  sign  is  si-hi-il  nu-ni,  “fish  spear”. 

68.  CT  12,  26:40b,  offers  the  Sumerian  value  da-ak-kil  (or  da-ag-rin),  for 
tins  sign;  the  present  text  furnishes  us  with  its  Semitic  value,  namely,  ta-mir-tu. 

69.  LAGAB  with  SUM  inserted  has  the  Semitic  values  sa-ar-ri  sa  se-im,  sa-ra-rum 
and  si-si-tum;  cf.  also  zar  = za-a-ru,  Glossar,  p.  286.  Si-si-tum  CT  12,  is  partially  pre- 
served in  26 : 44b  as  a value  for  the  next  sign,  line  72,  which  apparently  is  to  be  regarded 
as  a variant.  Sa-ar-ri , perhaps  for  sa-’-ru,  means  “ring”,  cf.  LAGAB  = sa-a-rum  CT  12, 
25:42a.  The  meaning  of  the  sign  obviously  is  “a  grain  receptacle”  or  “a  granary”. 

72.  The  Semitic  value  tu-sa-ru  sa  nab-bil-lum,  partially  preserved  in  CT  12,  26:45b, 
seems  to  mean  “restraint  (or  destruction)  of  destroying  insects.”  If  this  is  correct,  sur 
of  SE-RIN-sur,  its  Sumerian  equivalent,  which  in  the  parallel  text  CT  12,  26 : 42b — 
sararu,  does  not  mean  “to  shine  (Bar.  448),  but  “to  oppress”,  or  “to  restrain”.  The 
same  is  true  of  za-ar  = za-ar-rum,  line  41  of  the  same  text,  which  is  from  zaru  “to  resist”, 
and  does  not  mean  “bright”. 

73.  In  the  parallel  text  CT  12,  26:46b,  the  inserted  character  is  NE.  In  the 
present  text  therefore,  if  the  character  is  the  same  it  would  seem,  as  in  some  other  cases, 
to  be  archaic,  cf.  li.  103.  The  values  u-d  u-  ( ? ) = pi-en-du,  are  partially  preserved  in 
CT  12,  26:46b.  King  kindly  informs  me  that  the  -third  sign  of  the  Sumerian  word, 
CT  12,  26 : 46b,  seems  to  have  been  most  probably  LAL  with  the  horizontal  wedge  written 
rather  high.  The  sign  in  the  present  text,  however,  can  scarcely  be  LAL.  Holma  sug- 
gests that  pindu  is  “Fine  Krankheitserscheinung  der  Ilaut”  or  a “Geschwiir”  Kleine 
Bcitrage  sum  Assyrischen  Lexikon,  p.  16.  In  view  of  the  meaning  of  the  inserted  NE  — 
isatu  “fire”,  may  not:  pendu  mean  “birth  mark”,  in  the  light  of  the  passage  R III,  65,9b, 
where  a new  born  babe  is  referred  to  as  being  covered  with  pendu  ( pi-in-di-e  ma-li). 
The  stone  aban  isdte,  a synonym  of  [.  . . . p ] i-in-du-u,  CT  14,  15:34,  is  perhaps  a reel 
mottled  stone. 

74.  For  the  Sumerian  value  tinuru,  cf.  CT  12,  26:50b.  See  also  B 8372,  where  IM 
has  the  value  tinuru. 

77.  Cf.  Glossar,  p.  277. 

94.  Cf.  Glossar,  p.  84. 

95  and  110.  This  sign,  called  sa-la-g  a b-ba-lu  1-1  a-i-gub,  is  new.  It  has  the  values 
i-ri-ib,  and  pa-ra  = basa-mu.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  sign  par  also  has  the  value 
basdmu,  R II,  62,  3,  I,  3 and  4. 

102.  LAGAB  with  KIN  inserted,  is  new. 

103  and  104.  The  sign  given  alongside  the  character,  to  show  what  is  inserted,  is 
inscribed  perpendicularly.  This  is  referred  to  in  the  sign  name,  by  the  use  of  the  word 
te-na.  A similar  character  with  the  Sumerian  value  . . . [d]u-du,  occurred  CT  11,  28, 
K 8503,  Rev:  4 ( SAI  7773).  The  value  sak-du-du  in  the  present  text  verifies  the  identi- 
fication. It  is  to  be  noted  that  it  has  values  similar  to  the  common  Assyrian  sign  for 
“battle,”  namely,  m e-e  =-tahazu,  which  sign  was  used  rai*ely  in  Babylonian.  Additional 


THE  YALE  SYLLABARY 


95 


values  given  in  the  new  text  are:  s a k-du-d u = ma-ha-su  sa  tap-di-e,  and  mus-sa- 
ga-na  — ka-ru-ur-tu  sa  naspanti  (UR-BAR-RA) , which  are  synonymous  expressions. 

106.  The  sign  is  new,  although  PISANNU  with  the  same  signs  enclosed  has  similar 
values,  me-en  and  a-gu-u,  as  well  as  sarru,  cf.  B 5510  and  5513.  For  m e-e  n = a-gu-u 
ndri,  cf.  B 10400. 

112.  The  values  are  similar  to  LAGAB  with  IG1-GVN A inserted,  which  is  discussed 
above,  line  65. 

122.  Cf.  KU  = umus  = sipru,  B 10552. 

124.  Cf.  duru-n a = asabu,  B 10499. 

129.  Cf.  II U-II U = b i-b  i = te-zu-u,  SAI  8125;  also  cf.  b u-u  = te-zu-u,  line  96. 

132.  KU  frequently  interchanges  with  LU  = dib  = sabatu  (cf.  B 10694),  in  dates 
of  the  Larsa  dynasty.  The  present  text  shows  that  KU,  as  well  as  LU,  has  the  value  d i b. 

134.  Tu-kul  (cf.  B 10514)  = kak-k u (B  10529),  as  has  been  inferred. 

136.  Perhaps  to  be  restored  kak-ku  sa[ili]. 

140.  It  is  to  be  noted  in  connection  with  the  reading  t ug(KU)-b a = nalbasu 
( Glossar , p.  161),  that  mu-u  is  the  Sumerian  in  this  text,  and  in  line  202  ma-a  = sa 
KU-BA  na-al-ba-su ; cf.  mu  = labasu  SAI  7985. 

141.  Cf.  KU  — n a m = ru-bu-tu,  UMBS  V,  102,  III,  8. 

143.  Cf.  u s(KU)  = temu  Sb  1,  III : 6 ; also  cf.  umus  = sipru  ( B 10552). 

168.  This  character,  the  ideographic  values  of  which  are  given  here,  occurs  com- 
pounded with  other  signs  in  CT  14,  49,  93085,  rev:  6 ft'. 

172.  Cf.  pi-es  = humiru,  Sb,  1 III : 14. 

174.  This  sign  is  made  like  KIN,  but  has  the  name  and  values  of  SIG,  i.  e.,  KIN 
with  gunu.  The  gunu  is  omitted  also  in  the  succeeding  signs. 

175-188.  KIN-DIL  without  gunu  is  new.  The  values  da-ra  — da-’ -mu  are  those 
of  SIG-\-DIL,  B 10798.  Cf.  previous  note.  The  values  u and  u-a  =-lalt-rum,  and 
g a-n  a m = im-mir  tu  are  the  same  as  those  of  the  usual  sign  in  lines  91,  92  and  94. 

179.  It-qu  may  mean  “wool,”  cf.  Jensen  ZK  II,  27  f. 

181.  Perhaps  for  SIG  -j-  NUN,  see  note  to  line  174. 

182.  The  name  and  the  values  are  those  of  SIG  -|-  LAM,  but  the  second  sign  is  quite 
distinct,  see  note  to  line  174,  cf.  baku  SAI  8314,  and  se-es  = pasdsu,  B 10814.  Si-kin  = 
si-kin-nu  are  the  values  also  of  DUG;  cf.  SAI  4208. 

186  and  187.  This  character  has  values  similar  to  SIG  + SUHUR,  namely,  mun- 
su-ub  = sar-tu  (cf.  B 10812),  but  the  signs  must  be  regarded  as  distinct;  see  note  on 
line  174. 

188.  The  sign  GUR  ( B 10809),  has  the  same  value  as  this  sign,  namely,  gu-ru  = 
ka-ru-u ; but  its  distinctiveness  is  to  be  noted;  see  also  note  to  line  174. 

189.  The  sign  has  the  meanings  da-ma-qu,  dam-qu  and  gi-sim-ma-rum,  the  same  as 
the  well  known  sign  for  gisimmar  (B  7289).  The  second  part  of  the  sign  has  the  value 
s i g,  Glossar,  p.  241;  cf.  also  the  common  sign  with  the  same  values  sa-a  and  si-iq  = 
damaqu,  cf.  Glossar,  p.  242.  The  values  h a-a  d = hat-tu  also  are  the  same  as  of  PA 
(B  5573).  Cf.  also  p a-a  = a-rum,  B 5570. 

194.  Cf.  line  260,  and  B 5573. 

198.  KIN -\-KAK  is  new.  The  values  g a-a  1 = ba-su-u,  and  perhaps  also  na-sa-ru 
are  the  same  as  gal  (B  2238).  Note  also  the  Sumerian  iq  = ri-tum,  line  199,  which 
appears  to  be  a synonym  of  nasaru. 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


96 


202.  The  reading  of  the  Sumerian  m a-a  for  nalbasu,  shows  perhaps  that  the 
restoration  [m  e-e]  = L KJJ-ME  na-al-ba-su  Sc  4 (DAE',  p.  79),  cf.  B 10377,  is  to  be  given 
up.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  ideogram  here  is  KTJ-BA. 

205.  Cf.  m a = mdtu,  B 6774,  102,  III,  13. 

209.  In  UMBS  V,  104,  I LI,  this  sign  = 1 a-a  1-1  a-a  1 = ud-di-a  .... 

211.  This  sign  which  in  Sb  149,  has  the  Sumerian  value  lal-u,  here  has  la-’-u.  Cf. 
also  la-u,  UMBS  V,  104,  III,  15  = ri-ib-ba-  [turn].  These  writings  determine  that  the 
reading  rib-ba-a-tu,  B 10145,  and  not  nar-ba-a-tu  or  lib-ba-a-tu,  is  correct. 

212.  LAL-LAL-NI  is  new. 

213.  LAL-LAL-KAK  occurs  quite  frequently  in  the  Nippur  temple  documents  of 
the  Cassite  period  BE  XIV,  65:27,  88:3,  etc.,  and  means  “balance  due.”  Apparently 
rib-ba-a-tu  and  the  Sumerian  la-’-u  have  some  such  meaning. 

214.  LAL-LAL-U,  called  1 a-al-m  i-n  a-b  i-g  i s-p  u-u  is  new. 

216.  UMBS  V,  104:17  is  the  same.  Dr.  Cliiera  who  kindly  collated  the  passage 
informs  me  that  “the  sign  is  probably  it,”  of  which  he  sees  clear  traces. 

219.  LAL-LAL-GI SGAL  = h al-p  i-a  = lial-pi-u-um,  occurs  UMBS  V,  102,  IV,  3,  and 
in  104,  III,  21  the  values  hal-bi  = hal-p[u-u],  are  given  which  are  the  values  of  the  pre- 
vious sign,  line  218  of  the  present  text.  Hal-ma-a  seems  to  be  clear,  but  it  perhaps  is  to 
be  read  h a 1-p  a-a. 

221.  Cf.  gur  = na[ak-rum],  UMBS  V,  104,  III:  23. 

225.  QA  is  called  here  si-1  u-u,  but  compare  the  name  pa-ap-pu-di-e s-se-ku 
“pappu  with  dessu,”  CT  12,  16:17.  In  UMBS  V,  104,  III,  26,  ga-a  = ^i([-i{]occur. 

227.  [Mi\sirtu  is  restored  from  UMBS  V,  102,  IV : 15,  cf.  also  104,  III,  27. 

228-231.  The  signs  unfortunately  are  poorly  preserved,  or  wanting,  cf.  CT  12, 16  : 29  ff. 

232.  In  connection  with  the  value  nasarbutu,  cf.  I\  AS-K AS-MES  (variant  BU-BU- 
MES ) = mut-tas-ra-bi-tu-ti,  R IV,  2:4b. 

241.  If  the  name  n u-u  n-n  i m-n  a-b  i-1  a-g  a b-m  i n-n  a-b  i is  correctly  read,  it  is  the 
first  appearance  of  the  sign.  In  CT  12,  24:65b,  NUN  -f-  LAGAB  is  found  with  the 
Sumerian  value  t u-u  r,  which  does  not  appear  to  be  registered  in  the  recently  published 
lists.  The  similarity  between  NUN  -(-  LA  GAB  = tu  r,  and  NUN -LAGAB  = tu  r,  which 
some  regard  as  variants,  is  to  be  noted. 

242.  The  sign  is  restored  on  the  supposition  that  gub-be  represents  DU. 

260.  Cf.  h a-a  d = hattu,  line  194. 

264.  U-gu-la  occurs,  cf.  SAI  3900,  but  with  the  value  a-bu  .... 

265.  The  text  seems  to  show  that  the  character  in  the  Sumerian  name  of  Nairn  is 
hu,  not  en,  as  in  CT  12,  22,  38180:5.  This  is  preceded  by  another  sign.  King  kindly 
informs  me  that  in  the  London  text,  there  does  not  seem  to  be  room  for  an  extra  character. 

266.  Cf.  S u-u  1-1  a t = PA  = d.  . . . CT  12,  22,  38180  : 6.  The  present  text  shows 
that  the  Sumerian  name  of  Nabu  is  Sullat. 

267.  In  CT  12,  22,  38180 : 7,  the  second  character  given  is  KUR.  In  the  present 
text  MAN  is  clear;  as  well  as  LUGAL.  King  informs  me  that  there  are  trances  of  MAN 
on  the  tablet  in  the  British  Museum,  but  the  sign  that  follows  ilu  in  the  last  column  is 
very  uncertain. 

269.  Cf.  mu-du-ru,  also  eme-sal  = hatti,  Glossar,  p.  96. 

274  to  280.  Here  are  given  the  readings  of  the  divisions  of  the  PI  in  Sumerian  and 
Semitic,  cf.  CT  11,  40,  K 4383:32,  where  BAR  has  the  value  za-a-at.  Pognon,  JA  1913, 


THE  YALE  SYLLABARY 


97 


p.  411  f.,  ingeniously  proposed,  that  BAR  = 1 satum,  PA  = 2 saturn,  etc.  Instead  of 
saldsti  sat,  which  is  one-tenth  of  a gur,  si-bat  is  used,  cf.  sibtu  = esru,  Meissner,  ABP, 
p.  109  f. 

279.  G i-d  i-r  i-g  u-u  in  the  name  of  this  sign,  as  well  as  that  of  line  279,  seems  to 
mean  “with  a reed,”  or  “one  passed  through”. 

282.  Tiqtu,  following  arratu,  apparently  is  from  qatu,  and  means  something  like 
“vengeance”. 

285.  Cf.  nu-us-su-u  = b a r B 1780. 

288.  It  has  been  assumed  that  N i n i b was  the  Sumerian  pronunciation  of  god ’s 
name  written  dNlN-lB  and  MAS.  Others  also  read  the  name  N i n-IB.  The  present  text 
shows  that  both  these  writings  were  graphical  expediencies  adopted  to  represent  the  name 
of  the  deity  (see  below). 

290.  Is  this  sign  composed  of  Sii(masten)  and  BE(iza)1  If  so,  the  latter  is 
peculiar.  Cf.  IM  = ni-i  = puluhtu,  Sc  285  (B  8366). 

292.  SU  -f-  ES  is  new. 

295.  Su-us  = sahapu,  Glossar,  p.  265;  also  cf.  su,  B 10839. 

299.  Cf.  SU-ERki  — K i-N  i-i  ski  (B  7087),  which  is  apparently  to  be  read  Ki-i-iski. 

303.  Both  the  character  and  the  name  indicate  that  not  KAS  but  SE  is  inserted. 
B 10875,  and  SAI  8357,  insert  KAS.  In  CT  11,  39,  K 4151,  Rev:  27  ff.  the  SE  is  clearly 
written. 

310,  314.  SUSSANA-IS  with  SIL  inserted,  is  new,  but  it  is  to  be  identified  with 
B 11311  ff.,  which  has  the  same  values. 

Ur-ta  the  Sumerian  Reading  of  NIN-IB,  line  288. 

The  discovery  that  the  name  of  the  god  written  ideographically  dMAS  and 
dNIN-IB  as  reproduced  by  ntiPJN  in  Aramaic  in  the  late  Babylonian  period  (see 
the  writer’s  BE  X,  p.  XVII),  showed  that  it  had  not  been  read  Ninib,  Ninraq, 
etc.,  at  least  in  that  period.  Certain  scholars,  however,  considered  that  while  IB 
was  an  ideogram,  the  first  element  was  read  n i n in  Sumerian.  In  consequence 
they  have  transcribed  the  name  N i n-IB.  The  new  syllabary,  as  above,  shows 
that  NIN,  as  well  as  IB,  was  part  of  the  ideographic  writing,  and  that  the  pro- 
nunciation in  Sumerian  was  U r t a.  The  question  then  arises,  is  the  Aramaic 
equivalent  ntSPlX  quite  distinct  from  the  Sumerian  U r t a,  the  one  being 
Semitic  and  the  other  Sumerian;  or  have  they  something  in  common? 

Scholars  have  not  agreed  upon  the  etymology  and  vocalization  of  the 
Aramaic  form.  "While  some  have  accepted  Enmastu,  more  than  a dozen  other 
explanations  have  thus  far  been  offered.1  The  reading  of  the  new  syllabary 

1 See  Amurru,  p.  196.  Still  more  recent  explanations  are : Langdon  Babylonian 
Liturgies,  p.  147,  who  reads  Enurasat  (Nin-urasa) , although  it  has  long  been  demonstrated 
that  the  middle  character  is  r and  not  tv.  Pognon  J A 1913,  p.  411,  reads  AN-MAS  = 
Anusat,  i.  e.,  AN  = anu,  and  MAS  = sat.  Thureau-Dangin  RA  XI,  p.  81,  accepts  this 
reading.  The  writer  sees  no  reason  for  departing  from  the  reading  Enmastu  or  Enwastu. 


98 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


seems  to  confirm  the  view  expressed,  namely,  that  dNIN-IB  is  to  he  identified 
with  dMAR-TU,  which  in  time  became  En-Martu  = En-Mastu  or  En-Wastu. 

The  existence  has  been  established  of  the  West  Semitic  god  whose  name 
is  written  in  cuneiform:  dAmurru,  dAmar,  dMar,  dMer,  dMe-ir,  dWe-ir,  dI-li-Me-ir, 
dI-lu-Mi-ir,  dI-lu-Me-ir,  also  dUru,  dUrra,  etc.,  and  which  is  written  in  Aramaic: 
808,  80,  ms,  88,  rn  and  niw’K.2  It  has  also  been  established  that  dMAR-TU  or 
Amurru=  ms  (see  BE  X,  p.  8),  and  it  is  highly  probable  that  dDINGIR- 
MAR-TU,  which  occurs  so  frequently  upon  the  seals  of  the  first  dynasty,  is  to 
be  identified  with  dI-lu-Me-ir  and  nin’K,  following  a West  Semitic  custom  of 
pronouncing  the  word  “god”  in  connection  with  the  name  of  the  deity,  like 
“God-Mer;”  cf.  El-Shacldai,  El-Elyon,  ’AAwpos,  dIl-Tammes,  dll-Tehri,  dIl-Teri, 
dIl-Hallabu,  etc.2 3 

It  has  not  been  determined  definitely  whether  TV  of  dMAR-TU  lias  an  ideo- 
graphic value,  perhaps  erebu,  or  whether  it  was  originally  the  Semitic  feminine 
ending.  See  on  this  the  discussion  of  Prince  AJSL  1914,  p.  214.  Although  it 
is  by  no  means  essential  to  the  proposed  identification,  it  would  seem  from  the 
discovery  of  the  reading  Ur-ta  that  it  was  probably  a feminine  ending;  i.  e., 
Mar-tu  was  originally  the  consort  of  Mar,  like  Anu  and  Antu.  And  subsequently, 
after  these  signs  had  been  recognized  as  an  ideogram  for  the  name  of  the  deity, 
and  of  the  country,  the  goddess  became  masculinized.  This  is  -known  to  have 
occurred  in  not  a few  instances.4  In  no  other  way,  it.  seems,  can  the  element 
NIN  “lady”  in  the  ideograms  dNIN-IB,  dNIN-GIR-ZU,  etc.,  be  explained.  It 
is,  therefore,  reasonable  to  assume,  after  Martu  or  Urtu  had  become  known  as  a 
male  deity,  that,  the  element  EN  “lord”  was  prefixed,  i.  e.,  En-Martu,  which 
passed  into  En-Mastu,  or  En-Wastu;  and  this  was  handed  down  in  Aramaic 

2 See  Amurru,  p.  107  f.,  156  f;  Schiffer  OLZ  1909,  col.  478;  and  Dhorme  BA  VIII, 
97  f.). 

3 Cf.  ibid,  where  the  writer  has  shown  that  the  West  Semitic  deity  figured  prominently 
in  the  anti-diluvian  list  of  Babylonian  kings  handed  down  by  Berosus,  namely,  ’AAwpos  = 
mS-l’K  or  m-'rs  ; ’AXcnrapos  = ms-s^s  ; ’A/xiAAopos  = ms-noy  or  Amel-Uru;  MeyaAapos  = 
mS-^D  ; and  perhaps  also  ’ApoSan^  contains  the  element  (see  ibid.,  p.  63  ff.).  To  this  list 
should  be  added  the  name  of  king  2e/-«/x0C0sA  the  father  of  Gilgamesh’s  mother,  who  is 
mentioned  in  a fable  by  Aleian.  (Cf.  De  Batura  Animalium , 12:21),  which  name,  together 
with  Gilga-Mesh,  seems  to  be  West  Semitic;  and  is  equal  to  mS-OOD ; cf.  liT'-DOD  and 
'iT,-3QD'1  of  the  Old  Testament.. 

4 Cf.  Barton  Semitic  Origins,  p.  123  f.,  Amurru,  p.  200,  and  Patou,  “Anum  and 
Ishtar,”  Hastings  Enel,  of  Bel. 


URTA  THE  READING  OF  NIN-IB 


99 


characters,  ntriJN.  Probably  it  would  be  more  correct  to  say  that  Martu  and 
Mastu  are  dialectical  variations.5 

The  name  of  a deity  with  the  prefix  En  has  many  parallels,  cf.  En-A-num, 
En-abzu,  En-Buzur,  En-Engur,  En-Uru,  En-Ur-ta,  etc.  (See  Deimal  Pantheon 
Babylonicum,  115  IT. ) It  is  quite  probable  that  in  the  last  mentioned,  namely, 
En-Ur-ta  ( CT  24,  25:101),  we  have  the  deity’s  name.  And,  moreover,  it  is  not 
improbable  that  we  have  the  early  masculine  form  of  the  name  in  En-Mer  of 
En-Me-ir-kar , one  of  the  early  rulers  of  the  kingdom  of  Eanna  ( UMBS  IV, 
1,2:  Col.  11,13),  and  especially  as  Me-ir  is  the  exact  writing  of  the  name  so  fre- 
quently found  in  the  inscriptions.  But,  as  stated,  the  conjecture  concerning  the 
ending  TU  of  MAR-TU  is  not  essential  in  the  identification  of  that  deity  with 
NIN-IB. 

Additional  proof  for  the  identity  of  Mar  and  TJru  with  dNIN-IB,  may  be 
seen  in  d urumUru(PIN)=dNIN-IB  sa  al-li,  CT  25,  11:26;  dNIN-Uru(PIN)= 
dNlN-IB,  CT  25,  12:20;  dMAR  = dNIN-IB,  R III,  57:81cd,  etc. 

Taking  the  above  into  consideration,  it  seems  quite  reasonable  to  maintain 
that  the  two  forms  of  the  name  written  ideographically,  dNIN-IB  or  dMAS, 
namely,  Urta  in  Sumerian  and  ntPUK  in  Aramaic,  are  related.  And  also  that 
dNIN-IB  is  but  one  of  the  ideographic  forms  which  were  adopted  in  the  different 
centers  for  the  writing  of  the  name  of  the  god  or  goddess  of  the  Western 
Semites,  known  as  “ins,  ns,  etc.,  which  in  time,  like  dNIN-GIR-ZU,  etc.,  was 
identified  as  a distinct  deity.  Since  dNIN-IB  is  a West  Semitic  deity,  perhaps 
there  is  to  he  seen  some  connection  between  the  names  Bit-dNIN-lB,  near  Jeru- 
salem in  the  Amarna  letters  (55:31),  and  slMe-is-tu  (256:25),  mentioned  as 
one  of  the  cities  of  southern  Palestine,  in  the  land  of  Gar .6 

5 On  the  change  of  r and  s,  see  Prince  Materials  for  a Sumerian  Lexicon,  p.  XII. 

6 It  is  not  impossible  that  in  some  centre  in  the  West  the  name  of  the  West  Semitic 

solar  deity  Mar  or  Mer  appeared  as  Gar  or  (Hr;  especially  since  we  know  that  the  change 
of  g and  m or  tv  is  quite  common.  Years  ago  Jensen  ( Cosmology  480  f.)  discussed  at 
length  the  god  Gir,  showing  that  he  was  identified  with  and  even  took  the  place  of  Nergal, 
whose  name  in  cuneiform  is  compounded  with  GIR.  The  West  Semitic  dAmurru(dKUR- 
GAL  and  dMAR-TU)  is  called  Gir  (CT  24,  42-90-91)  ; Gir  is  the  son  of  Shamash  (CT 
25,  50:15);  dNIN-IB  is  called  Girra  (BE  24,  4:3);  Ningirsu,  regarded  the  same  as 
dNIN-IB,  is  written  NIN-GIR-ZU  and  NIN-ZU-GIR;  Sar-rabu  is  explained  as  Sar-girra 
of  Marki;  and  Adad  is  called  Gir-gir-u  (CT  25,  17:31).  The  name  of  the  West  land 
A-mur-ri-e  is  written  mdtGIR-GIR.  In  short,  it  seems  highly  probable  that  Gir  or  Ger  was 
an  early  importation  from  the  West,  where  in  the  late  period  it  is  preserved  in  such 
names  as  etc. 


INDEX  OF  THE  WORDS  IN  SYLLABARY. 


Sumerian 

a-a  -i-sik-tu  sa  suklu(SUK - 
LUM)  su-ma,  51. 
a b-1  a 1 — [qin-nu  sa  issuri ], 
83. 

a d-k  i n = ki-ri-e-tu,  185. 
a d-k  i n = mu-du-lu,  185. 
as  = ar-ra-ti,  281. 
as  = it-tu-ut-ti,  186. 
a s-t  e = as-te  URU-KI,  52. 

[b]  a-a  n e s-s  u = si-bat,  275. 
[b]  a-a  n in  i-i-n  = sit-ti  sa-a-at, 
274. 

[b  a-a] n \h  — hansi  sa-a-at, 
279,  280. 

[b]  a-a  li  l a in-111  u = ir-bi  sa- 
a-at,  277,  278. 

[ b ] a-a  r = a-ha-tu,  284. 
[b]a-ar  = tis-su-ru,  284. 

[b  i-i]  b-r  a = bi-ib-ru-u,  306. 
b i-e  = te-zu-u,  129. 
b u-u  = na-sar-bu-tu,  232. 
b u-u=  [te-zu-u\,  96. 
b u-g  i n = bu-gin-nu  sa  a-ka- 
lu,  54. 

b u-u  i-i  n = bu-nin-nu  sa 
memeS,  53. 

bu-ul  = [#e-2tt-M],  97. 
b u-u  n = [na-ap-pa]  -hu,  77. 
b u-u r = nu-u [s-sit  sa  . . .], 
98. 

b u-i  t = na-sa  hu,  131. 
d a-r  a = da-  ’-mu,  178. 
d a-r  a = is-hu,  287. 
d a-r  a = ni-bit-tu,  287. 
d i-i  b = ba-’-u,  200. 
d i-i  b = e-ti-qu,  200. 
d i-i  b = sa-ba-tu,  132. 
d u-u  1 = ka-ta-mu,  144. 


d u-u  1 = sa  MAS-KTJ  ku-si-tu, 
142. 

d u-r  u = pi  sa  bu-samcS,  125. 
d u-u  r = su-pur-ri,  122. 
d u-u  r = za-ra-tu,  126. 
d u r-d  u r = sa-la-lu,  135. 
d u-r  u in  = su-pur-ri,  123. 
d u-r  u-u  a = pi  sa  b u-sameS, 
124. 

d u-r  u-ii  a = ti-nu-ru,  76. 

[e-d  a-k  u]  -u-a  = si-hi-il  nu-i 
67. 


g i-i  t-r  u = hat-tu,  268. 
gu-u  = sa-bat-ti,  117. 
g u-u  = sa  KU-LI  ib-ri,  116. 
g u-u  g = k u-u  k-  [ku] , 157. 
g u-u  k-k  a 1 = gu-uk-kal-lum, 
167. 

g u-in  u s(s  i r)  = sa  KAK-KTJ- 
US  kak-ku-su,  115. 
g u-m u s(s i r)  = sa  KU-UD- 
DU  sal-ki-du,  114. 
g u-k  i n = da-ad-me,  102. 
[gu]r  = a-hu,  223. 


e-es  — ib-[du-u],  154. 
e-es  = .sa  LU-KU  [lu-ub-bu], 
152. 

e-g  i = ru-ba-tu?,  150. 

[e]  n = sip-tu,  296. 
e-ri-en  = e-ri-nu,  181. 
e s = ki-e-mu,  147. 
es  = sa  GARAS-GA  ka  . . ., 
233. 

ga-a-a-u=  [an-su],  87. 
g a-a  1 = ba-su-u,  198. 
g a-a  1 = n a-sa-ru,  198. 
g a-u  a in  = im-mir-tu,  180. 
g a-u  a in  = [ im-mir-tu ] , 94. 
g a-a  r = sa  A-GAR  [amaru], 
156. 

[g  a-a  r-z  a]  = pa-ra-as  sa 
sarri,  317. 

[g  i-b  i-i]  1 = qi-lu-tu,  302. 

[g  i-d  i-i  m]  = e-kim-mu,  251. 
[g  i-d  i m]  = e-kim-mu,  310. 
g i-e  = ru-  [ bu]  -u,  149. 
g i-1  i-1  i = nam-mas-su-u,  171. 
g i-1  i-i  in  = nam-mas-tu,  170. 
g i-s  i in-111  a r = gi-sim-ma- 
rum,  196. 

g i s-n  i m-b  a r = gi-sim-ma- 
rum,  197. 


g u r = nak-rum,  221. 
gur  = ra-bu-u,  19. 
g u-r  u = k a-r  u-u,  188. 
h a-a  d = hat-tu,  194. 

[h  a]  -a  d = liat-tu  sa  isi,  260. 
h a 1-b  i = hal-pu-u,  218. 
b a 1-m  a-a  = [i]-nu  sa  buri, 
219. 

[li  u-u]  1 = lii-du-tu,  305. 

! h u-u  d = ha-da-du,  193. 
li  u-u  u = na-a-hu-u,  148. 
i = lu-bu-us-tu,  128. 
i b = tu-pu-uq-tu,  286. 
i m-m  a n-d  u = ti-nu-ru,  74. 
i q = ri-tum,  199. 
i r = i-ri  . . , 234. 
i-r  i-i  b,  95. 

[i-s]i-mu=  [sa  PAP ]- 
IGIGUNU  us-mu-u,  231. 
i-s  i-i  b = i-sip-pi,  201. 
i-s  i = im-me-rum,  164. 
k a-a  = sik-ku-u,  168. 

k a-r  a = da , 158. 

k a-r  a = ri-ik-su,  158. 

[k  i-b  i-i]  -r  = ki-bir-rum,  301 
k i-e s = Kes (S JJ-ER )kl,  299. 
k i-1  i m = nam-mas-tu,  169. 
k i-1  i-n  a = ti-nu-ru,  75. 


INDEX  OF  THE  YALE  SYLLABARY 


101 


k i n-b  u r = (qi-bur-ru  sa 
issuri),  84. 

k i-r  i = ki-ri-tum  sa  GIS  . . , 
159. 

k i-s  i = pi-a-zu,  173. 
ku-u  -na-du-u,  113. 
kur  = nak-rum,  220. 

1 a = pag-ri,  166. 

1 a-a  = a-ma-rum,  208. 

1 a-’-u  = rib-ba-a-tu,  210-214. 

1 a-a  h-r  u m = [la-ah-ru] , 93. 

1 a 1-1  a = ud-da-a-tu,  209. 

1 a-t  e = su,  177. 

1 i 1 = lil-lum,  291,  292. 

1 u-xl  = da-la-  [hu] , 155. 

1 u-u  = im-me-rum,  162. 

[1  u-g  a]  = sa  PA  MAL  sil-la- 
iu,  257. 

m a-a  - a-l  u,  205. 
m a-a  = sa  KU-BA  na-al-ba- 
su,  202. 

[m  a-a  s]  = el-lu,  250. 

[ma-as]  — ib-bu,  250. 

[ma-as \ = ma-a-su  sa  eqli, 
249. 

[m  a-a  s]  = mi-is-lum,  244, 

245. 

[m  a-a  s-k  i-i  m]  =sa  MASKIM 
ra-bi-su,  253. 
m e-e  = di-lu,  206. 
m e-e  = par-su,  203. 
m e-e  = ta-ha-zu,  103. 
m e-e  n = a-gu  u,  106. 
in  e-e  n = a-na-ku,  204. 
m i-i  t-t  a = kak-ku  sa  [ ta-ha- 
zi] , 136. 

m i-i  t-t  a = kak-ku  sa  . . . . , 

137. 

mu-u  = [me-e],  5. 
mu-u  -na-al-ba-su,  140. 
m u-u-a  = id-lu,  262. 
m u-u-a-t  u = dNabu,  263. 
m u-u  d-r  u = haf-tu,  269. 
m u-u  n-s  u-u  b = sar-tu,  187. 
m u s-s  a-g  a-n  a — ka-ru-ur-tu 


sa  naspanti  ( UR-BAR-RA ) , 
105. 

n a-a  m = te-e-mu,  141. 
n i-e  = pu-luh-ti,  290. 
n i-g  i-i  n = na-gu-u,  215. 
n i-n  a-a  = it-qu,  179. 
n i n-ii  a = [ es-se-pui^uru ] , 82. 
n i-i  n-n  a = sa  dNIN-BUL- 
BUL-I1U  [ es-se-pu ],  101. 

[n  u]  -u  s-k  u = dNusku,  270. 
n u ?-u  = sa  RIM-KU  u-tul-lu, 
133. 

[p  a]  -a  = a-ru,  261. 
p a-a  — a-rum,  195. 

[p  a?]-a  = ka-ka-si-ga,  222. 
p a-a  = kap-pu,  195. 

[pa] -a ~kap-pu,  261. 
pa-a=  [pal]-gu,  228,  229. 
[pa]-ap  = a-sa-ri-du,  224. 
p a ?-a  p-u-k  ur  = [sa  PAP ] - 
IGIGUNU  u-ga-rum,  230. 
p a-r  a = ba-sa-mu,  1 10. 
pa-ra  -sar-ri,  107,  108,  109. 
p i-e  s -hu-mu-un-si-rum,  172. 
p u-1  u h-t  i = ni-e,  290. 
s a-a  = da-ma-qu,  189. 

[s  a g-in  a n]  = ma-a-su,  252. 

[s  a g-m  a n]  = tu-’-a  mu,  252. 
s i-i  = im-me-rum,  163. 
s i-i  g = da-ma-qu,  190. 
s i-i  g = dam-qu,  191. 

[s  i-i  g]  = ma-ha-su,  254. 
s i-i  g = pa-sa-hu,  192. 

[s  i-i  g]  = sa-ha-tu,  255. 
si-ki  = sar-ti,  174. 
s i-k  i = si-pa-a-tu,  174. 
s i-1  a = [mi]  -sir-tu,  227. 
s i-1  a = qu-u,  226. 

[s  i]  -p  a = ri-e-a-u,  272. 
s u-u  = a-sa  bu,  119. 
s u-b  a t = si-bat,  276. 
s u-u  h = zu-u,  130. 

[s  u]  -u  1-1  a t = dNabu,  266. 
s u-u  r = su-qal-lu-lu,  207. 
s u-u  s = a-sa-bu,  120. 


s a k-d  u-d  u = ma-ha-su  sa 
tab-di-e,  104. 
s a-n  a-b  i = si-ni-pu,  311. 
s a-r  a = dSdru,  111,  112. 
s e-e  = ba-ku-u,  182. 
se?-e  = ba-su-u,  297. 
s e-e  = di  . . .,  153. 
s e-r  i n-s  u r = tu-sa-ru  sa  nab- 
bil-lum,  72. 
s e-e  s = pa-sa-su,  183. 
s i-k  i n = si-kin-nu,  184. 
s u-u  = [zi-ir-qu] , 85. 
s u-u  = [am-bu] , 85. 
s u-d  u 1 = ni-i-rum,  145. 
s u-d  u-u  n = ni-i-rum,  303. 
s u-h  u-u  b = su-hup-pa-tu, 

300. 

sii-ru  = [ka-bu-u],  88. 
s u-r  u = [ru-ub-su] , 89. 
sii-ru  = [tar-ba-su],  90. 

[s  u]  -u  s = sa-ha-pu,  295. 

[s  u-u  s-s  a]  -n  a = su-us-sa-an, 
307. 

s u-t  a = [zi-ir-qu] , 86. 
su-ta  = [am-bu],  86. 
t u-u  = su-ba-tu,  138. 
t,  u-u  ? = sa  LIB-TUR  sa-as-su- 
rum,  127. 

t u-u  g = sa-ba-tu,  139. 
tu-ku  = M[-a-sv«  sa  SAK 

. . .],  100. 

t u-k  u 1 = kak-ku,  134. 
t u-u  s = a-sa-bu,  121. 
u = lah-rum,  175. 
u = [la-ah-rum],  91. 
u-a  = [bu-ha-lum],  92. 
u-a  = lah-rum,  176. 
u b = sa  LU-KU  [lu-ub-bu], 
151. 

u-d  u = im-me-rum,  165. 
u-d  u-  (?)  = pi-en-du,  73. 
u-g  u = a-la-du,  118. 
u-g  u = ba-nu-u,  118. 
u-g  u-1  a = ak-lu,  264. 
u-g  u-1  a = sa-pi-ru,  264. 


102 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


u-k  u = lab-nu,  217. 

[u-k  u]  -u  s = kis-su-u,  304. 
Am  a li  = mi-ih-su,  55. 
u-m  u n = ha-am-mu  sa  memeS, 
56. 

u-m  us  = pak-ku,  143. 
u-m  u s = te-e-mu,  143. 
u-ra-as  -pi-ris-ti,  289. 
u r-t  a = sa  dNIN-IB  su-ma, 
288. 

u-s  &v  = sit-tu,  216. 
utt-ra?  . . .,  237. 

[u-t  u g]  = u-tuk-ku,  314. 
za-an-sur  = MlZ  . .,99. 
z i-i  = ki-e-mu,  146. 
z i-i  z = kis-sa-tu,  283. 

. . . a = si-zu-u,  308. 

. . . g i = pa-ru-u,  298. 

. . . h u-d  u r = dI-sum,  265. 
. . . . m an  = dSarru,  267. 

. . s a g-d  ii  = dNusku,  27 1 . 

. . . . ud  = ti-iq-tu,  282. 

Akkadian. 

[a\-a-bu,  31. 
a-bu  = [a] , 2. 
a-gam-mu,  10. 

A-GAR  [amaru]  — g a-a  r,  156. 
a-gu-u  = m e-e  n,  106. 
a-ha-tu  = [b]a-ar,  284. 

(t-/in  = [gu]r,  223. 
ak-lu  = xi-g  u-1  a,  264. 
a-la-du  = u-g  u,  118. 
a-lu  = m a-a,  205. 
a-ma-rum  = 1 a-a,  208. 
amaru,  see  A-GAR. 
a-mi-lu,  16. 
a-na-ku  = m e-e  n,  204. 
ap-lum,  12. 

ap-pa-ru  = [a]m-b  a r,  49. 
a|)-SM-M  = [en-gur],  59. 
ap-su-u,  see  SU-SE-KU-KAK- 
BAR. 

ar-ra-ti  — as,  281. 
a-ru  — [ p a] -a,  261. 


a-rum  = p a-a,  195. 
a-sa-bu  — s u-u  s,  120. 
a-sa-bu  = t u-u  s,  121. 
a-sa-bu  = u-g  u,  119. 
a-sa-ri-du  = [p  a]  -a  p,  224. 
as-te  URU-KI  = a s-te,  52. 
a-tar-tu  = [e  1-1  a g],  29. 

AZ  . . . =za-an-sur,  99. 
ba-’-u  = di-ib,  200. 
ba-da-qu,  1. 
ba-ku-u  = [ i-si-is],  7. 
ba-ku-u  — s e-e,  182. 
ba-nu-u  = ii-g  u,  118. 
ba-sa-mu  = p a-r  a,  110. 
ba-a-su,  248. 
ba-su-u  = g a-a  1,  198. 
ba-su-u—  se?-e,  297. 
bi-ib-ru-u  = [b  i-i]b-r  a,  306. 
b u- ’-su  = [h  a-a  b ] , 44. 
bu-gin-nu  sa  a-ka-lu  — bu- 
gin,  54. 

bu-nin-nu  sa  me  = b u-n  i-i  n, 
53. 

da-  ’-mu  — d a-r  a,  178. 
da-ad-me  — g u-k  i n,  102. 
da-la-  [hu]  = 1 u-u,  155. 
da-ma-qu  = s a-a,  189. 
da-ma-qu  = s i-i  g,  190. 
dam-qu  = s i-i  g,  191. 
da  . . . . = k a-r  a,  158. 
di-lu  = m e-e,  206. 
di-im-tum  = [i  r] , 8. 
di  . . . . = s e-e,  153. 
du-us-su-u,  160. 
du-us-su-u  sa  me  nari,  11. 
e-kim-mu  = [g  i-d  i-i  m] , 251. 
e-kim-mu  = [g  i-d  i m] , 310. 
el-lu  — [g\-v  in],  25. 
el-lu  — [ m a-a  s],  250. 
e-ri-bu  sa  sam-si,  293. 
e-ri-bu  sa  u-mi,  294. 
e-ri-nu  — e-  ri-en,  181. 
es-se-pu,  see  NIN-BUL-BUL- 
HU. 

e-ti-qu  = d i-i  b.  200. 


GARAS-GA  ka  . . . . =es, 
233. 

GIRIN  il-lu-ru  = [g  i-r  i m] , 
30. 

gi-sim-ma-rum  = g i-s  i m- 
m a r,  1 96. 

gi-sim-ma-rum  = g i s-n  i ra- 
il a r,  197. 

gu-uk-kal-lum  = g u-u  k-k  a 1, 
167. 

ha-da-du  = h u-u  d,  193. 
ha-la-qu,  13. 
hal-pu-u  = h a 1-b  i,  218. 
ha-am-mu  sa  memeS  - u-m  u n, 
56. 

ljansi  sa-a-at  = [b  a-a]  n i a, 
279,  280. 

hat-tu  = g i-i  t-r  u,  268. 
hat-tu  = h a-a  d,  1 94. 
hat-tu  = m u-u  d-r  u,  269. 
hat-tu  sa  isi  = [lj  a]  -a  d,  260. 
hi-du-tu  = [h  u-u]  1,  305. 
hu-mu-un-si-rum  = p i-e  s,  172. 
hu-ut-pu  sa  siparri,  259. 
ib-bu  — [m  a-a  s] , 250. 
ib-[du-u]  = e-e  s,  154. 
ib-ri,  see  KU-LI. 
id-lu  — m u-u-a,  262. 
il-lu-ru,  see  GI  RIN, 
im-me-rum  = i-s  i,  164. 
im-me-rum  = 1 u-u,  162. 
im-me-rum  = s i-i,  163. 
im-me-rum  = u-d  u,  165. 
im-mir-tu  = g a-n  a m,  180. 
in-bi  = g u-r  u-u  n,  48. 

[i]  -nu  sa  buri  = b a 1-m  a-a, 
219. 

ir-bi  sa-a-at  = [b]a-an  lam- 
mu,  277,  278. 
ir-bi-ti  — [1  i m-m  u] , 17. 
is-hu  = d a-r  a,  287. 
i-sik-tu  sa  hsuklu  (SU K-LU M) 
su-ma  = a-a,  51. 
is-su-u  = [t  u-u  1] , 42. 
i-sip-pi  = i-s  i-i  b,  201. 


INDEX  OF  THE  YALE  SYLLABARY 


103 


dI-sum=  . . . hu-dur,  265. 
it-qu  = n i-n  a-a,  179. 
it-tu-u  = [s  i-i  r] , 61. 
it-tu-ut-ti  = a s,  186. 
kab-ru  = gur,  19. 
kab-tum  = gur,  21. 
ka-ka-si-ga,  4. 
ka-ka-si-ga,  14. 

&a-7fa-si-<7a  = [p  a?] -a,  222. 
ka-ka-si-ga  = [s i . . . ],  20. 
kak-ku  — tu-kul,  134. 
kak-ku  sa  [ ta-ha-zi ] = m i-i  t- 
t a,  136. 

kak-ku  sa  . . .=  mi-it-ta, 
137. 

KAK-KU -TJ S kak-ku-su  = g li- 
ra us  (sir),  115. 
ka-lak-ku  = g a-s  a 1,  47. 
ka-lak-ku  = [tu-ul],  45. 
kap-pu  = [p  a]  -a,  195,  261. 
ka-ra-su,  22. 

ka-ru-ur-tu  sa  naspanti(UB- 
BAB-BA)  = m u s-s  a-g  a- 
n a,  105. 

KAS  GID  . . .,  236. 
KAS-SAK?  ur  . . .,  235. 
ka-ia-mu  = d u-u  1,  144. 
ka  . . . , see  6M-.5L4$-CrA. 

7fes  = ki-es,  299. 
ki-bir-rum  = [k  i-b  i-i]  r,  301. 
ki-e-mu  = e s,  147. 
ki-e-mu  = z i-i,  146. 
ki-ri-e-tu  — a d-k  i n,  185. 
ki-ri-tum  sa  GIS  . . .=ki-ri, 
159. 

kis-sa-tu  = z i-i  z,  283. 
kis-su-u  = [u-k  u]  -u  s,  304. 
KU-BA  na-al-ba-su  = m a-a, 
202. 

kub-bu  = p a-a,  195. 
[kub]-bu-tu  — [el-lag],  29. 
KU-UD-DU  sal-ki-du  = g il- 
ia us  (sir),  114. 
Tcir-Wc-f/ai]  = gu-u  g,  157. 
KU-LI  ib-ri  = g u-u,  116. 


ku-nin-nu  sa  qani=  [ku- 
n i n] , 6. 

ku-si-iu,  see  MAS-KU. 
lab-nu  — u-ku,  217. 
lali-rum  = \\,  175. 
lah-rum  = u-a,  176. 

Za-mi(-M  = [ni-gin],  36. 
la-mu-u  = [ni-uii-en],  26. 
LIB-TUB  sa-as-su-rum  == 
tu-u(t),  127. 
lil-lum  = 1 i 1,  291,  292. 
lu-ub-bu,  see  LU-KU. 
lu-bu-us-tu  — i,  128. 

LU-KU  [lu-ub-bu]  = e-e  s, 

152. 

LU-KU  [lu-ub-bu]  = ub,  151. 
ma-ha-su  = [s  i-i  g],  254. 
ma-ha-su  sa  tab-di-e  = sak- 
du-du,  104. 
ma-an  — s a-a  h-r  u,  309. 
man-za-zu  sa  alpi  u immeri, 
161. 

»ia-«-si(  = [sag-man],  252. 
ma-a-su  sa  eqli  = [ ma-as], 
249. 

MASKIM  ra-bi-su  = [m  a-a  s- 
k i-i  m] , 253. 

MAS-KU  ku-si-iu  = d u-u  1, 
142. 

me,  see  bugin-nu  and  du-us- 
su-u. 

me-ik-ku  — [el-lag],  29. 
mi-ih-su  = u-m  a li,  55. 

[mi]  -sir-tu  =--  s i-1  a,  227. 
mi-is-lum  = [m  a-a  s] , 244,  245. 
mu-du-lu  = a d-k  i n,  185. 
na-ba-tu,  256. 

nab-bil-lum,  see  under  tu-sa- 
ru. 

na-bu-tu,  13. 

dNa-bu  = m u-u-a-t  u,  263. 
4Na7m  = [su]-ul-lat,  266. 
na-du-u  — ku-u,  113. 
na-gu-u  = n i-g  i-i  n,  215. 
na-hal-lum,  63. 


na-gar-ru-ru  = [k  i-i  r] , 23. 
na-a-hu-u  = h u-u  n,  148. 
nak-rum  — gur,  221. 
nak-rum  — k u r,  220. 
na-al-ba-su  = m u-u,  140. 
na-al-ba-su,  see  KU-BA. 
nam-mas-su-u  = g i-1  i-1  i,  171. 
nam-mas-tu  = g i-1  i-i  m,  170. 
nam-mas-tu  = k i-1  i m,  169. 
[nap]  -ha-ru  = [n  i-g  i n] , 33. 
[na-ap-pa]  -hu  = b u-u  n,  77. 
na-a-rum  = [ i],  57. 
dNdru  = [i-i  d],  58. 
dNaru ? = [na m-m u] , 60. 
naru,  see  du-us-su-u. 
nar-kah-t  u = [g  i-n  a r] , 38. 
nar?-qu-u,  13. 
na-sa-hu  = b u-i  t,  131. 
na[-a-su  sa  SAK  . . .]=tu- 
ku,  100. 

na-sar-bu-tu  = b u-u,  232. 
naspanti,  see  under  ka-ru-ur- 
tu. 

na-sa-ru  = g a-a  1,  198. 
ni-bit-tu  = d a-r  a,  287. 
NIN-BUL-BUL-HU  [es-se-  . 

prt)  — n i-i  n-n  a,  101. 
dNIN-IB  = u r-t  a,  288. 
ni-i-rum  = s u-d  u 1,  145. 
ni-i-rum  — s u-d  u-u  n,  303. 
dNusku  = [n  u]  -u  s-k  u,  270. 
dNusku  = . .-sa g-d u,  271. 
nu-u[s-su  sa  . . . ] = bu-ur. 
[nu?]-us-su-u,  285. 
pak-ku  — u-m  u s,  143. 
[pal]-gu  — pa-a,  228,  229. 
PA-MAL  sil-la-tu  = [1  u-g  a] , 
257. 

PAP-IGIGUNU  us-mu-u  = 
[i-s]i-mu,  231. 
[PAP]-IGIGUNU  u-ga- 
rum  = p a ?-a  p-u-k  u r,  230. 
pag-ri  = \ a,  166. 

[pa] -qu  = [el-lag?],  32. 
pa-ra-as  sa  sarri  = [g  a-a  r-z  a] 


104 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


par-su  = in  e-e,  203. 
pa-ru-u  — . . .-gi,  298. 
pa-sa-hu  = si-ig,  192. 
pa-sa-su  = s e-e  s,  183. 
pi-a-zu  = k i-s  i,  173. 
pi-en-du  = u-d  u ?,  73. 
pi-ris-tu  = u-r  a-a  s,  289. 
pi  sa  bu-sameS  = tl  u-r  u,  125. 
pi  sa  lm-sameS  = d u-r  u-n  a, 
124. 

pu-uk-ku  = [e  1-1  a g] , 29. 
[g]a-a  = qu-ii,  225. 
qi-lu-tu  = [g  i-b  i-i]  1,  302. 
qi-ir-su  sa  pa-ha-ru  = [g i- 
rin],  24. 

qu-u  — [q]a-a,  225. 
qii-ii  = s i-1  a,  226. 
ra-bi-su,  316. 
ra-bi-su,  see  MASKIM. 
ra-bu-u  — gur,  19. 
ri-e-a-u  = [s  i]  -p  a,  272. 
rib-ba-a-tu  = 1 a-’-u,  210-214. 
ri-e-u,  160. 

ri-ik-su  = k a-r  a,  158. 
BIM-KU  u-tul-lu  = n u ?-u, 
133. 

ri-tum  = i q,  199. 
ru-ba-tu?  = e-g  i,  150. 
ra-[bi(]-M  = gi-e,  149. 
sa-Jia-pu=  [su]-us,  295. 
sa-ha-ru  — [n  i-g  i n] , 37. 
sa-ha-ru  = [n  i-m  i-e  n] , 27. 
sa-lu-u  sa  memci,  258. 
sa-ar-ri  sa  se-im  — [z  a-a  r] , 69. 
sa-a-at,  see  under  hansu,  ir-bi 
and  sit-ti 

si-hi-il  nu-ni  — [e-d  a-k  u]  -u-a, 
67. 

sik-ku-u  = k a-a,  168. 
sil-la-tu,  see  PA-MAL. 
SUK-LUM,  see  under  i-sik-tu. 
su-u-iu,  246. 

sa  A-GAR  [amaru]=g a-ar, 

156. 


I sa  AZ  . . . . = z a-a  n-s  u r, 
99. 

sa  GARAS-GA  ka  . . ,=  es, 
233. 

sa  GI  RIN  il-lu-ru  = [ gi- 
rim],  30. 

sa  KAK-KU-US  kak-ku-su  = 
g u-m  u s(s  i r) , 115. 
sa  K AS -GIT)  . . . , 236. 
sa  KAS-SAK?  ur  . . . .,235. 
sa  KG -BA  na-al-ba-su  = ma- 
a,  202. 

sa  KU-UD-DU  sal-ki-du  = 
gu-m  u s(s  i r) , 114. 
sa  KU -Ll-ib-ri  = g u-u,  1 16. 
sa  LIB-TUR  sa-as-su-rum  = 
t u-u  ?,  127. 

sa  LTJ-KU  \lu-ub-bu]  = e-e  s, 

152. 

sa  LTJ-KU  [lu-ub-bu]  = uh, 

151. 

sa  MAS-KU  ku-si-tu  = d u-u  1, 
142. 

I sa  MASKIM  ra-bi-su  = [m  a- 
a s-k  1-i  m] , .253. 
sa  NIN-BUL-BUL-HU  [es-se- 
pu]  = n i-i  n-n  a,  101. 
sa  dNIN-IB  su-ma  = u r-t  a, 
288. 

sa  PA-MAL  sil-la-tu  = [\  u- 

ga],  257. 

[sa  PAP]-IGIGUNU  us-mu- 
K = [i-s]i-mu,  231. 

[sa  PAP]-IGIGUNU  u-ga- 
rum  = pa ?-a p-u-k u r,  230. 
sa  RIM-KU  u-tul-lu  = n u ?-ii. 
133. 

sa-bat-ti  = g u-u,  1 17. 
sa-ha-tu  = [s  i-i  g] , 255. 
sal-ki-du,  see  KU-UD-DU. 
sa-pi-ru  = u-g  u-1  a,  264. 
dSdru  = s a-r  a,  111,  112. 
sar-ri  = p a-r  a,  107,  108,  109. 
dSarru—  ....  man,  267. 
sar-tu  = m u-u  n-s  u-u  b,  187. 


sar-ti  — s i-k  i,  174. 
sa-as-su-rum,  see  LIB-TUR. 
se-e-du,  315. 
si-kin-nu  = s i-k  i n,  184. 
si-in  ma-an  sa-ah-ru,  313. 
si-in  si-zi-i,  312. 
si-ni-pu  = s a-n  a-b  i,  311. 
si-pa-a-tu  — s i-k  i,  174. 
sip-tu  = [e]  n,  296. 
sit-tu  = u-s  a r,  216. 
sit-ti  sa-a-at  = [b] a-a n mi-in, 
274. 

si-zu-u—  ....  a,  308. 
su  = 1 a-t  e,  177. 
sub-t[um],  241,  242. 
su-hup-pa-tu  = s u-h  u-u  b, 

300. 

su-pur-ri  = d u-u  r,  122. 
su-pur-ri  — d u-r  u m,  123. 
su-qal-lu-lu  = s u-u  r,  207. 
sur-i-ni,  18. 
su-ru-u,  28. 

S U-SE-KU-KAK-BAR  ap-s it- 
'll., 319. 

su-us-sa-an  = [su-us-sa] , 307. 
su-ut-ta-tum,  64. 
su-tum  — [b  u-r u] , 41. 
sa-ba-rum,  15. 
sa-ba-tu  = d i-i  b,  132. 
sa-la-lu  ~ d u r-d  u r,  135. 
sa-ra-ru  = [s  u-u  r] , 70. 
si-bat  = [b]  a-a  n es-su,  275. 
si-bat  = s u-b  a t.,  276. 
si-ih-tum  = [i-s  i-i  s] , 9. 
si- si-tum  = [s  e-r  i m] , 71. 
su-ba-tu  — t u-u  g,  139. 
su-ba-tu  =-t  u-u,  138. 
tab-di-e,  see  ma-lja-su. 
ta-ha-zu  = me-e,  103. 
ta-mir-tu  = [d  a-a  g-r  i n] , 68. 
te-zu-u  = b i-e,  129. 
ti-nu-ru  = d u-r  u-n  a,  76. 
ti-nu-ru  = i m-m  a n-d  u,  74. 
ti-nu-ru  — k i-1  i-n  a,  75. 
ti-iq-tu  = . . . . u d,  282. 


INDEX  OF  THE  YALE  SYLLABARY 


tu-’-a-nm  = [ sag-man],  252. 
tu-pu-uq-tu  = i b,  286. 
tu-sa-ru  sa  nab-bil-lum  = se- 
rin-sur,  72. 
te-e-mu  = n a-a  m,  141. 
te-e-mu  = u-m  u s,  143. 
ud-da-a-tu  = 1 a 1-1  a,  209. 


u-gar  bdbi  «ii  = [a-gar],  66. 
u-ga-rum  = [a-g  a r] , 65. 
u-ga-rum,  see  PAP-IGIGUNU 
up-pu  = [ ub],  43. 
UR-BAR-BA , see  under  ka- 
ru-ur-iu. 

us-mu-u,  see  PAP-IGIGUNU. 


us-su-ru  = [b]  a-a  r,  284. 
u-tuk-ku  = [u-tu  g] , 314. 
■u-hd-lu,  see  RIM-KU. 
u-tu,  247. 

za-ra-tu  = d u-u  r,  126. 
zu-u  = su-uh,  130. 
zu-zu-u  = [s] u-u  g,  50. 


NAME  INDICES. 


A-bi-sa-ri-e,  32 : 6. 

Ah-’-u-tu,  f.  of  Anu-iqsur,  gf. 

of  Anu-uballit,  52  : 1. 

Ai-ri,  f.  of  Kar-Suqamuna, 

37 : 27. 

Amar-Sin(EN-ZU),  24,  rev. 

G;  26:1,10. 

An-am,  35:3;  36:4. 

An-ti- ’-i-ku-su,  52:2,15. 
Anu-iq-sur,  s.  of  Ah’utu,  f.  of 
Anu-uballit,  52:1. 
Anu-uballit,  s.  of  Anu-iqsur, 
gs.  of  Ah’utu,  52:1. 
A-pa-tu-ti,  37 : 20. 
A-ra-zu-ni-ku-du-ba,  27 : 22. 
Ardi-dE-a,  f.  of  Sapiku,  37  : 29. 
Asur-ah-iddina,  40  : 2,19  ; 

41:6,17;  42:13. 
Asur-bani-apal,  42 : 7,25. 
Asur-etil-ilani,  43 : 1. 

Bara-sir,  wi.  of  Lugal-kursi, 
6:2. 

Bel-sa-al-ti-dNannar,  d.  of 
Nabu-na’id,  45,1 : 25  ; II : 8, 
45. 

Bel-sar-usur,  s.  of  Nabu-na’id, 
39:6,13. 

Da-ku-ru(  ?),  f.  of  Samas-ibni, 
43:1. 

Du-du,  4,  III : 2. 

Dun-gi,  17:5;  36  : 13  ; 

38,1:18. 

E-mi-su,  32 : 2. 

EN-AN-E-UL,  d.  of  Kudur- 
Mabug,  si.  of  Rim-Sin,  45, 

11:1. 


Personal  Names. 

Enmastu-na-din-su-mi,  f.  of 
Nabu-kudurri-usur,  45,1 :30. 
En-te-me-na,  5,1 : 3 ; III : 2 ; 
V : 1. 

Eri-ba-Mar-duk,  40 : 13. 
Galu-dNannar,  s.  of  Surum, 
17:9. 

Galu-sag-ga,  9 : 3. 

Galu-dUtu,  14:3. 

Gimil-Sin,  20 : 6. 
GIS-SlR-sum-ukin,  42 : 27. 
Gu-de-a,  15 : 4. 

Gu-la-sum-lisir,  37:9. 
Gu-un-gu-nu-um,  32:5.  , 
Dumu-zi-kalama,  2 : 1. 
Ha-am-mu-ra-bi,  32 : 15. 
I-da-ai,  s.  of  Kirikme,  37  : 28. 
Ilu-ba-ni,  s.  of  Siburri,  37  : 25. 
Im-bi-Nabu(  ?),  Mar-,  37  : 15. 
Ka-am-bu-zi-ia,  50 : 4. 
Ka-ri-e-a,  f.  of  Nibi-SipaR, 
37 : 26. 

Kar-Su-qa-mu-na,  s.  of  Airi, 
37:27. 

Ki-ri-ik-me,  f.  of  Idai,  37  : 28. 
Ku-du-ur-Ma-bu-ug,  f.  of 
E-AN-E-UL  and  Rim-Sin, 
45,11 : 2. 

Li-be-it-i-li,  10:20. 
Li-bi-it-Is-tar,  27 : 1. 
Lugal-dAb,  2 : 3. 
Marduk-nadin-ahhe,  37 : 32. 
Marduk-sapik-zer,  37 : 4,6. 
Mer-ab-a-du,  3 : 2. 
Na-bi-um-apal-u-su-ur, 

44,1 : 9. 


Na-bi-um-ku-du-ur-ri-u-su-ur, 

44,1:1. 

Na-bi-um-ku-dur-ri-u-sur,  s. 
of  Enmastu-nadin-sum,  45, 
1:29. 

Na-bi-un-na-’-id,  f.  of  Bel- 
shazzar, 39:2,4,9,12;  45, 

1:4,11. 

Na-ap-la-nu-um,  32:1. 
Na-ra-am-dSin,  10  : 1 ; 

44,11:3,7. 

Na-si-ir,  37:8. 
Na-zi-Marad-das,  40 : 12. 
Ni-bi-Si-pak,  s.  of  Karea, 
37:26. 

Ni-ki-qa-ar-qu-su,  52 : 4. 

I Nu-ur-dImmer,  32  : 8. 
Ri-im-Sin,  s.  of  Kudur- 
Mabug,  and  b.  of  E-AN-E- 
UL,  32  : 14  ; 45,11 : 2. 
Sa-am-su-i-lu-na,  32:16; 

33  : 15. 

Sa-mu-um,  32:3. 

Si-bur-ri,  f . of  Ilu-bani,  37  : 25. 
Si-lu-ku,  52 : 1,15. 
Sin-ah-eriba,  42 : 16. 
Sin-ahe-eriba,  40:9;  41 : 10. 
Sin-i-din-nam,  32  :9. 
Sin-i-qi-sa-am,  32:11. 
Sin-i-ri-ba-am,  30:2;  32  : 10. 
Sin-ma-gir,  37 : 10. 

Su-mu-i-lu,  32 : 7. 

Samas-ba-ni,  13 : 1. 
Samas-ib-ni,  s.  of  Dakuru  ( ? ) , 
43  : 1. 

Sa-pi-ku,  s.  of  Ardi-Ea,  37  : 29. 


INDEX  OF  THE  YALE  SYLLABARY 


107 


Sar-u-kin,  38,1 : 14,26  ; 11:9; 
41 : 10, 

Sum-ukin,  39 : 2,9. 

Su-urii-urn,  f.  of  Galu-dNan- 
nar,  17:9. 

Sili  ( ? ) -dImmer,  32  : 12. 


dAdad,  42:11;  45,1:14,15,23. 
An-na,  26 : 4, 

An-tum,  52 : 4,15. 
dA-num,  42:6;  52  : 4,15. 
dA-num-tu,  41 : 2. 
dAsar-ri,  38,1 : 27. 
dAsur,  40:4;  41:8. 
dBa-U,  8:1;  9:1. 
dDil-bat,  39 : 1. 
dDun-x,  4 ; IY  : 5 ; 5,Y  : 6. 
dE-a,  42 : 11. 

“En-lil,  4,1 : 2 ; 5,11 : 5 ; 10  : 17  ; 
20:9. 

En-zu,  see  Sin. 
dGabgir  (or  alim),  15:1. 
dGis-bil-ga-Mes,  3 : 1. 
dInnarma  Urukki,  26:5. 
dIstar,  38,1:32;  11:7,22; 
41:1,12,14,16,24;  42:30. 


Akkad  A 38,1 : 15,31 ; 40  : 3,10 ; 

41:6,11;  42:14. 
dlAmar-ru,  42:9. 

Ararki,  31 : 12. 

mdtAsur,  38,1 : 14,26  ; II : 9,40 ; 
40:2,19;  41:6,10,11;  42:7, 
14,16;  43:1. 

BabiiA,  38,1 : 14,2 7 ; 11:10; 
39  : 2,4,12 ; 40  : 2,4,10,12,13, 
19;  41:6,8,11;  42:14,17, 
18,27 ; 44,1 : 2,9  ; 45,1 : 4 ; 

50:4. 


dUr-Engur,  36 : 12. 
Ur-Lugal-edina,  a-zu,  8 : 7. 
[Ur-dNin]  -gir-zu,  8 : 4. 
Ur-nir-kin,  1:1. 
Warad-dEn-zu,  31:6;  32  : 13. 
Za-ba-aia,  32 : 4. 


Names  of  Deities. 

dMarduk,  38,1:28;  11:12; 
42:16;  43:8,16;  44,1:3,10, 
14;  11:30. 
dMur,  38,11 : 1. 

dNabu,  40  : 20 ; 43  : 18  ; 44 :1  :4. 
dNa-na-a,  33:5;  40:1,11,16, 
18,23. 

dNannar,  26:4;  45,1 : 1,6. 
dNergal,  43 : 19. 
dNin-gal,  45,1:38;  11:10,18, 
33,44. 

dNin-gir,  1 : 4. 
dNin-gir-ra,  22,  rev.,  2. 
dNin-gir-zu,  4,1 : 1 ; II : 1 ; 

III : 3 ; IV:  7;  5,1:1; 
11:3,7;  III : 4 ; IV  : 5. 
dNin-gurra,  13 : 4. 
dNin-ki-gal,  14 : 1. 
dNin-lil,  20:10;  27:19. 


Geographical  Names. 

Bit  mDa-kur,  43:2. 

En-gi  or  Ki-En-gi,  27  : 11,25 ; 
31:13. 

Eriduki,  26:8;  27:7. 
Es-nu-naki,  33 : 9. 

Gir-zuki,  4,111:10;  31:9. 
GIS-HUki,  13:5,8;  14:5. 
Gu-ti-um,  13 : 3. 
Huuih-nu-riki,  26 : 7. 
Ia-rmi-ut-ba-lum,  33 : 2. 
Kar-dSamas,  33 : 13. 

Ma-eski  (Ma-erki),  33:6. 


As-ner-tum,  wi.  of  Sarrugi, 
7:2. 

Sar-ru-gi,  hu.  of  Asnertum, 
7:3. 

Lugal-kur-si,  hu.  of  Bara-sir, 
6:3. 


dNin-Mar,  29 : 12. 
dNinni,  5,11 : 1 ; 17:2;  20:4; 
27:13;  31:1,30,45;  33:5; 
35:1,6;  36:1,9,38. 
dNiii-sun,  29 : 3. 
dNin-x-gur,  1 : 2. 
dNusku,  52 : 5. 
dPap-sukal,  52 : 4. 
dSin,  31:4;  39:2;  45,1:10, 
22,38;  11:9,18,33,34. 
dSamas,  10:31;  45,1 : 14,15,23. 
dSara,  20:1. 

dSar-Marad-da,  10  : 25,33  ; 

44,1:24;  11:15,17. 
dTas-me-tum,  33 : 12. 
dUd-ud-du  in  Ki-dUd-ud-du, 
14:7. 

dUr-nun-ta-e-a,  29 : 8. 
dZa-za-ru,  29:7. 


Ma-an-ki-tu(  33:3. 
Marad-daki,  10  : 23,26 ; 44, 

1:25. 

Nibruki,  27:3;  31 : 7. 
Nim-maki,  33:1. 

Ni-si-inki,  27 : 10. 

Sa-as-ruki,  26 : 6. 
SlR-LA-BURki,  4,1 : 8 ; 5,1 : 5 ; 

8:5;  15:6;  31:10. 
mdtSu-me-ri,  38,1 : 15  ; 40  :3, 
10;  41:6,11;  42:14. 
Tu-ru-qu,  33 : 8. 


108 


MISCELLANEOUS  INSCRIPTIONS 


TJnu(g)ki  Urukki,  27:9;  35:4; 
36:5;  38,1:12;  11:36; 

40:1;  41:1,14,16,24;  42:1, 
30;  52:2. 


A-ka-nun-di-dam,  35 : 10. 
An-gud-sur-ra,  4,1 : 9. 
ba-ra-nam-mes,  52 : 9. 
nkr  dBa-u-hegallu,  24 : obv., 
rev.,  25. 

bad-temen-a-ma-pad-x, 

4,111:9. 

bit-dul-lu,  52 : 10. 
bit  duri,  52  : 10. 
bit  pa-pa-hi,  52  : 10. 
bit-ri-es,  52:5,10. 
bit  tarbase,  52  : 11. 

E-an-na,  36:1,  38,1:18,32,34, 
37;  40:5;  41:5,9,12; 
42:6. 

E-bab-bar,  31 : 11. 

E-gig,  36:16. 

E-gi-par,  27:14;  45,1 : 28,39  ; 

11:3,4,6,8,12. 

E-dGir(  ?)-ba(  ?),  24:27. 


Ur-bi-lumki,  26 : 2. 

Uri  or  Ki-Uri,  27 : 11,25 ; 
31:13. 


E-gis-sir-gal,  45,11  -.  23,25. 
E-igi-ila-edin-na,  4, III  • 7. 
E-igi-kalama,  44,1 : 25. 

E-kn-a,  42 : 21. 

E-mes-lam,  33:11. 
E-me-te-ur-sag,  33:7. 
E-ner-gal,  42 : 6. 
E-ner-gal-an-na,  41 : 12. 
E-ninnu-a,  4, IV : 8. 

E-sag-ila,  40:4;  41:8; 

42:20;  44,1:5,18;  45,1:4. 
E-sag-gi-pad-da,  20 : 27. 
E-sar-gub-an-na,  40:11. 
E-su-se(g)-ga,  31:38. 
E-uru-azagga,  29 : 5,10. 
E-zi-da,  41:8;  44,1 : 5,20  ; 
45,1 : 4. 

E-zi-en-na,  52 : 17. 

E . . . azag,  38,1 : 12. 
En-zi-sag-gal,  4, IV : 2. 


Uriki-ma,  17:7;  20  : 18 ; 27:5, 
17,27;  31:8. 

Uru  (same as  above),  45,11:2. 
Zimbarki,  33 : 14. 


Etc. 

dug-nam-zid-du,  27 : 20. 
Guedin,  4, III : 5. 
ldgu-sag,  2 : 4. 

ldHa-am-mii-ra-bi-nu-hu-us- 
ni-si,  33 : 4. 
ka-an-na,  52 : 8,14. 
ka-he-en-gal-la,  52:7. 
ka-mah,  52 : 4,14. 
Ki-dUd-ud-du,  14 : 7. 
Ma-da-ni-e,  20 : 25. 

Mu-ri-iq  Ti-id-ni-im,  20  : 21. 
idSa-am-su-i-lu-na-na-ga-  [ab]  - 
nu-uh-si,  33 : 13. 
idSa-am-su-i-lu-na-he-gal, 

33 : 17. 

Sar-[ra?]-sag-ga,  4,11:5. 
temen-a-ma-pad-bi-ra(  ?)> 

4,111:9. 


Temples,  Shrines,  Canals, 


ADDENDA 

Page  43,  line  11,  instead  of  I -si-in  read  I -si-in. 

The  transliteration  and  translation  of  line  19  of  the  Esarhaddon  Inscription,  pp.  58 
and  60,  can  now  be  completed.  Prof.  Prince  has  kindly  suggested  that  the  last  word  be 
read  zer-ba-bis.  The  full  line  reads:  In  a qab-lu  u ta-ha-zi  i-da-ai-i  tas-mur-ma  kul-lat 
na-ki-ri-ia  lu-me-is  zer-ba-bis.  “In  strife  and  battle  do  thou  guard  my  sides,  and  let  me 
wipe  out  all  my  enemies  like  grasshoppers.” 

Page  62,  line  23,  instead  of  Plate  II,  read  Plate  I. 


AUTOGRAPHED  TEXTS 


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PLATE  L 


INSCRIPTION  OF  NARAM-SiN 

(see  text  no.  io) 


PLATE  LI 


THE  ANCIENT  SUMERIAN  LAWS 

( TEXT  NO.  2B  ) 


obverse: 


REVERSE 


DATE  LIST  OF  BABYLONS  RULE  OVER  LARSA  ( 
THE  LARSA  DYNASTIC  LIST  (text  no. 32) 


TEXT  NO.  33 


plate:  liii 


TWO  CYLINDERS  OF  ESARHADDON  (texts  nos  -a-s) 
BUILDING  INSCRIPTION  OF  SARGON  (text  no.  38  ) 


plate  liv 


1 HE  CYLINDER  OF  nabonidus 

( TEXT  NO.  +5  ) 


PLATE  LV 


THE  YALE  SYLLABARY 


ERRATA 


Page  6,  line  11,  read  b a d-k  a r-m  a-p  a d-b  i-r  a ( ? ) instead  of  b a d-t  e-a-m  a-p  a d-b  i-r  a ( ?) . 
Line  21,  translate  “may  he  offer  np  prayer  therein.” 

P.  7,  8,  read:  “from  its  ditch  flowed;”  21,  read  Bara-sud  instead  of  Bara-sir. 

P.  10,  15,  read  tahazi  “battle.” 

P.  12,  17  ff.,  translate:  “In  his  day,  i.  e.,  Arda-ga-an  (or  ilu)  was  king  of  Guti;  to  dNin- 
ur-ra,  the  mother  of  Umma,  Nam-mah-ni,  ruler  of  Umma,  etc.”  Read  dNin- 
u r-r  a,  instead  of  dN  i n-g  u r-r  a.  As  has  been  suggested  the  inscription  should 
begin,  “To  dNin-ur-ra. ” 

P.  13,  13,  translate  pa-ne-in-e  “lie  made  resplendent;”  18,  perhaps  Ig-gir  instead  of 
G a 1-g  i r. 

P.  15,  19,  read  SU  (or  Gimil)-ur-ra  instead  of  Su-uru-um. 

P.  23,  14,  translate  “he  let  perish.” 

P.  28,  7,  should  be  No.  1283  instead  of  No.  1905. 

P.  47,  4,  read  dNinni-a  me-en  instead  of  dNinni  a-me-en;  10,  translate  “I  restored” 
instead  of  “its  place  I cleared  to  the  foundation;”  25  and  26,  translate  ba-ab- 
du  e-ga  lj  u-m  u-s  i(g)-s i(g)  “was  completed.  May  that  house  flourish.” 

P.  49,  21,  read  Marduk-nadin-ahhe  instead  of  Mardnk-sapik-ahhe. 

P.  58,  34,  read  lu-me-is  zer-ba-bis  “let  me  wipe  out,  like  grasshoppers”  instead  of  lu  me  is- 
qul  ba-qir. 

P.  62,  23,  read  Plate  L instead  of  Plate  II. 

P.  69,  note  2,  read  instead  of  “)>"• 

P.  75,  19  and  21,  read  sattukkn  instead  of  di-ka  and  di-ku. 

P.  76,  1,  read  pag-ri  instead  of  paq-ri ; 33  and  34,  insert  the  words  sacrifice  and  offering, 
instead  of,  (which  are  for)  slaughter  and  sacrifice. 

P.  83,  16  and  30,  read  Du-mah  instead  of  ka-mah ; 20,  read  east  side  instead  of  south  side. 

P.  85  ff.  Yale  Syllabary,  line  28,  read  ku-ru-u  instead  of  -su-ru-u;  39  and  40,  read  gi-gir 
instead  of  gi-nar ; 48,  insert  se  before  in-bi ; 86,  su-us  instead  of  su-ta ; 114,  raq- 
qi(?)-du  instead  of  sal-ki(f) -du;  166,  ad  instead  of  la;  179,  id-qu  instead  of 
it-qu;  199,  gal  instead  of  iq,  and  dal-tum  instead  of  ri-tum  ; 219,  [kan]-nu  instead 
of  [i]-nu;  310,  e-tim-mu  instead  of  e-kim-mu. 

Note. — A few  words  in  the  Syllabary  are  not  underscored  for  italics. 


